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Rural  Conditions  in  the 
Kingdom    of    Jerusalem 
during  the  IVelfth  and 
Ihirteenth  Centuries  .*. 

A  THESIS 

Presented  to  the  Faculty  of  the  Department  of  Philosophy 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 

By 

Helen  Gertrude  Preston 

In  partial  fulfillment  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree 
Doctor  of  Philosophy 

PHILADELPHIA 

1903 

Rural  Conditions  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Jerusalem 


DURING  THE 


Twelfth  and  Thirteenth  Centuries 


A  THESIS 

Presented  to  the  Faculty  of   the  Department  of   Philosophy 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 


By 

Helen  Gertrude  Preston 

In  partial  fulfillment  of  the  requirements  for  the  degree 
Doctor  of  Philosophy 


f  OF  THE 

(   UWIVERQITY 

OF  ^ 

PHILADELPHIA 

AviL  Printing  Company 
1903 


'^.. 


t^ 


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CONTENTS. 


i'AGE 

CHAPTER  I. 
The  Land    5 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  People 18 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Land  and  the  People   35 

Bibliography 54 


\  ©BAR 
^    OF  THE 

;    UNIVERSITY 


CHAPTER  I. 
The   Land. 

Looking  at  the  map  of  the  Christian  states  of  Syria 
during  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  we  find 
in  the  north  the  county  of  Edessa,  which  acted  as  a 
check  to  the  oncoming  Turk,  until  it  was  finally  seized 
by  the  latter  after  a  Christian  domination  of  less  than 
fifty  years.  A  little  to  the  southwest  of  this,  was  the 
principality  of  Antioch,  directly  south  of  which  lay  the 
small  county  of  Tripoli;  due  south  of  this  was  the 
Royal  Domain  or  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  proper. 
Small  as  each  of  these  principalities  was,  it  neverthe- 
less consisted  of  different  fiefs,  whose  holders  were  in 
several  instances,  notably  in  Jerusalem  proper,  power- 
ful enough  to  give  special  names  to  the  sections  held 
by  them.  Within  these  there  were  numerous  towns, 
several  of  which  lying  on  the  seacoast  were  in  the 
enjoyment  of  a  brisk  trade  with  the  west  at  the  time 
of  the  arrival  of  the  first  Crusaders.  Numerous,  too, 
comparatively  speaking,  were  the  monasteries  which 
grew  so  wealthy  as  time  went  on.  The  few  fortresses 
there  at  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  were 
supplemented  by  others.  Military  orders,  early  estab- 
lished, flourished  as  time  went  on,  and  vied  with  the 
monasteries  in  their  wealth  and  property. 

In  the  charters  and  documents  of  the  time  the  term 
most  met  with  to  describe  the  unit  of  rural  habitation 
and  feudal  possession  is  the  casale.'     There  were  some- 


'  As  the  feiida  and  villcc,  though  often  mentioned,  can  be  resolved 
into  units  dealt  with  in  this  chapter,  they  are  not  treated  separately. 

(5) 


where  about  six  hundred  of  these  casalia,  which  were 
almost  exclusively  Oriental  in  name.*  Writers  of  the 
time  refer  to  them  also  as  loca  suburbanaJ  While  the 
unit  differed  greatly  in  size,  the  usual  amount  of  land 
appears  to  have  been  from  ten  to  twenty  ploughlands, 
yet  there  was  in  one  instance  the  very  unusual  amount 
of  ten  miles  in  one  casale.^  While  in  many  instances 
the  casalia  were  small,  yet  the  size  was  often  compen- 
sated for  by  the  number  in  the  holding,  as  we  find 
grants  of  ten,  twenty,  or  even  thirty,  to  one  person  or 
society.*  There  seemed  also  to  be  a  difference  in 
quality;  whether  this  was  due  to  the  organization  or 
to  the  cultivation  and  fertility  of  the  land,  it  would  be 
hard  to  determine  from  the  evidence  given,  which 
grants  merely  '  'three  of  the  better  casalia."' 

All  that  can  be  said  for  the  period  of  origin  or 
development  of  the  casalia  during  the  two  centuries 
in  which  they  are  under  observation,  is  the  fact  that 
the  grants  begin  with  the  year  iioi,  and  continue 
throughout  the  two  hundred  years  of  the  kingdom's 
existence,  expressed  in  the  same  language  and  even  in 
the  same  phraseology.  The  earliest  is  a  grant  by 
Tancred  of  Galilee  to  all  the  churches  of  Mt.  Tabor, 
of  certain  casalia  at  that  time  destitute  of  inhabitants 
and  uncultivated  because  of  the  recent  wars.'  The 
year  1107  furnishes  a  charter  of  Baldwin  I.  containing 
the  confirmation  of  former  gifts  of  casalia  and  adding 


*  E.  Rev.  Colonies  Franques  de  Syric,  pp.  297-525. 
-  Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XXII,  Ch.  xx. 

^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  897. 

*  Rozi^re.      Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  Nos.  26,  84.      Rohricht,      Regesta, 
No.  164. 

^  Ibid.,  No.  113. 

*  Paoli.      Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CLVI.      Galilee  or  Tiberias  was 
the  land  across  the  Jordan. 


others,  making  a  total  of  thirty  mentioned  by  name 
together  with  an  indefinite  number  of  casalia  included, 
of  whose  names  he  was  ignorant.'  From  this  time  on, 
the  mention  of  this  division  of  property  is  common, 
not  only  in  the  gifts,  sales,  exchanges,  rents,  but  also 
in  the  long  and  complete  lists  of  holdings  given  by 
new  monarchs  in  confirmation  of  former  grants. 
Occurring  as  early  as  it  does  under  the  Crusaders' 
regime,  the  casale  must  have  been  some  sort  of  a  unit 
under  the  former  holders  of  the  land,  the  units  or 
districts  retaining  even  to  the  end  of  the  western 
occupation  their  Oriental  names.  This  supposition  is 
strengthened  by  charters  which  mention  them  as 
having  belonged  up  to  that  time  to  the  Easterners.^ 
The  fact,  too,  that  we  find  early  in  the  history  of  the 
period  abandoned  casalia  adds  to  the  support  of  the 
theory  that  they  existed  in  some  way  before  the  arrival 
of  the  western  Crusaders.'  Whatever  the  term  by 
which  they  were  designated  in  the  east  may  have 
been,  the  thing  itself  must  have  been  nearly  enough 
like  the  casalia  found  in  southern  Italy  during  this 
same  period  to  warrant  the  use  of  the  term  in  the 
Orient. 

The  casalia  were  therefore  units  of  some  kind  existing 
in  Syria  from  the  earliest  period  of  western  occupation, 
and  sometimes  formed  part  of  a  villa,*  sometimes  held 
apparently  by  themselves  without  forming  part  of  a 
larger  holding.     Each  one  seems  to  have  been  a  hamlet 


*  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  51. 
'  Ibid.,  No.  51. 

*  Chartes  de  I'abbaye   .   .   .  Josaphat,  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  118. 

*  The  villa  consisted  generally  of  a  group  of  casalia.     See  foot- 
note, p.  5. 


8 

consisting  of  houses,  inhabitants,  and  the  land  which 
they  cultivated,  lying  about  the  collection  of  houses. 
In  many  grants  we  have  simply  casalia  ' '  with  appur- 
tenances"; in  others  this  form  is  enlarged  upon,  and 
we  have  a  stereotyped  ' '  with  their  possessions  in  men, 
in  women,  in  children,  in  cultivated  land,  in  unculti- 
vated, in  mountains,  in  valleys,  in  woods,  in  water,  in 
pasturage,  in  roads,"  etc'  To  this  from  other  sources 
may  be  added  vines  and  gardens,-  springs,'  Bedouins 
with  their  flocks,^  tow^ers  for  mutual  defence  ;=  huts' 
and  houses.'  Churches  too  were  found  in  the  territory 
of  the  casale,  but  evidently  not  in  it,  nor  considered  a 
constituent  part  thereof.^  Yet  with  all  this,  the  seem- 
ingly essential  things  were  the  houses,  the  inhabitants 
and  the  land." 

This  unit  could  be  sold  as  a  w^hole;'"  it  could  be 


^  Delaville  le  Roulx.  Les  Archives  .  .  .  S.  Jean  de  Jerus.,  No. 
LXXXIV. 

2  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CX. 

'  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .  .  .  Josaphat  in  Rev.de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  123. 

^  Roziere.     Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  33. 

^  Delaborde.  Chartes  .  .  .  de  Notre  Dame  de  Josaphat,  No. 
LVII. 

*  Rohricht.  Regesta,  No.  1026.  Vantae,  originally  a  cave,  came 
to  mean,  huts,  wretched  apartments  or  outbuildings. 

Ibid.,  No.  824. 
8  Ibid.,  No.  180. 

•  There  seems  to  have  been  three  ways  of  expressing  the  relation 
of  land  and  casale  in  the  grants:  i .  Casale  cum  carrucatis  (Rohricht. 
Regesta,  No.  356);  2.  Carrucatae  apud  casale  (Strehlke.  Tab.  ord. 
Theut.,  No.  43) ;  3.  Carrucatae  in  casali  (Paoli.  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I, 
No.  CLXXVI).  The  difference  in  phraseology  may  have  arisen 
from  difference  in  authors,  but  more  likely  from  the  fact  that  the 
casale  was  thought  of  as  a  divisible  unit  consisting  as  it  did  of 
constituent  parts. 

'"  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  378. 


presented  as  a  gift,'  a  thing  which  often  happened  in 
favor  of  the  monasteries  or  miHtary  orders ;  instead  of 
a  permanent  gift,  a  grant  could  be  made  for  a  term 
of  years;  it  could  be  exchanged;'  it  could  be  rented.' 
In  case  of  the  sale  of  a  casale,  a  part  of  the  villani  or 
part  of  the  land  was  often  excepted/  Sometimes  even 
all  the  villani  were  retained  by  the  person  selling,^  a 
thing  which  is  not  found  concerning  the  land,  where  a 
small  portion  only  is  retained."  And  not  only  were 
the  land  and  villani  bought  and  sold,  granted  and 
exchanged,  but  the  products  of  the  fields  were  disposed 
of  for  a  term  of  years.'  Another  common  division  was 
that  of  a  part  of  a  casale,  an  undivided  ow^nership. 
Sometimes  one-half,*  or  a  quarter*  was  held  thus. 
Possibly  the  best  example  of  this  kind  of  holding  w^as 
the  one-third  held  by  the  Venetians,  while  the  Templars 
held  the  other  two  parts.  In  one  casale  there  were  but 
two  men,  so  it  could  not  be  a  division  into  parts,  but  a 
third  of  the  result  obtained  from  the  casale}'^ 

A  traveler'^  in  Syria  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh 
century  speaks  of  the  many  villages  with  their  gardens 
and  cultivated  fields,  and  the  vine,  fig  and  olive  trees 
growing  about  so  abundantly.     Mention  is  made  of 


*  Chartes  de  rabbayc  .   .   .  Josaphat  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  1 66. 

^  Rohricht.      Regcsta,  No.  245. 
3  Ibid.,  No.  426. 

*  Paoli.      Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  LXXVI. 
5  Ibid.,  No.  XXVI. 

'  Chartes  de  I'abbaye   .   .   .  Josaphat  i>i  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  128. 

'  Delavillele  Roulx.  Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  573,  p.  388. 

*  Delaborde.     Chartes  .   .   .  de    Notre    Dame   de  Josaphat,    No. 
XLI. 

»  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  89. 

'"Rohricht.     Regesta,  No.  11 14. 

*'  Nasir-i-Khusrau  in  Pil.  Text  Soc.,  Vol.  IV,  p.  53. 


10 

the  barley  grown  near  Hebron,  and  of  the  many  mills 
there  worked  by  mules  and  oxen.'  Half  a  century 
later  another  voyager  notes  almost  the  same  things, 
adding  the  abundance  with  which  vegetables  grow 
there  and  the  number  of  sheep  and  other  animals 
pasturing  in  the  locality.-  With  this  general  descrip- 
tion as  a  background,  let  us  look  into  the  minuter 
divisions  and  conditions  of  the  land,  omitting  from 
the  discussion  such  land  as  lay  within  towns  and  cities. 

The  land  of  a  casale  was,  when  accurately  described, 
given  in  number  of  ploughlands,  which  seem  to  have 
been,  as  was  usual  in  so  many  countries,  the  unit  of 
land.  The  different  kinds  of  divisions  will  be  taken 
up  in  the  remainder  of  this  chapter,  and  defined  as 
accurately  as  possible  with  the  material  at  hand. 

While  there  were  carnicates  or  ploughlands  in  the 
casale,^  grants  are  also  found  of  this  division  of  land 
within  the  gastina;*  again  they  are  found  lying  apart 
from  and  evidentlv  outside  of  anv  larger  holding.' 


Ubid.,p.  57. 

^  Abbot  Daniel  (Russian),  in  Pil.  Text.  Soc,  Vol.  IV,  p.  45  et  seq. 
^  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,   No.   75.   ''duas  pecias  terre,  que 
sunt  due  carrucate   .    .   .  quas  habeo   ...   in  casali." 

*  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .  .  .  Josaphat  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  pp.  117-S,  "dans  la  gastine  de  Mont.  Musard  une  piece  de 
terre,  longue  de  douze  cannes  et  large  de  quatre,  bomee  de  la 
fagon  suivante:  a  parte  orientis  cohaeret  dicta  pecia  terrae  domi- 
bus,"  etc.  In  both  of  these  charters,  the  ploughland  is  evi- 
dently part  of  a  larger  holding. 

*  Rohricht.  Regesta,  No.  269.  "Vineam  in  planis  Bethleem 
sitam,  et  v  terrae  carrucatas  continentem."  Tafel-Thomas,  in 
Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  381.  "Item  aliam  peciam  terre  que 
est  posita  iuxta  fontem  cum  XL  arboribus  olivai-um."  Had  either 
of  these  portions  of  land  been  included  within  a  larger  division  it 
would  have  been  more  natural  to  have  stated  that  fact,  as  is  else- 
where the  case,  than  to  have  defined  the  location.  Furthemiore, 
see  Strehlke.  Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  120,  "que  dedens  ces  ii  dites 
charruees,  qui  sunt  outre  le  ruisel,  }ic  deit-aveir  casaii  ne  gastine." 


II 

One  of  the  most  common  dix'isions  after  the  casale 
was  the  gastitui.  In  some  ways,  and  in  certain  charters, 
they  seem  to  have  been  similar:  they  both  retained 
their  Oriental  names;'  they  could  be  held  as  units;' 
rented  as  such  or  divided  ;'  they  were  both  often  found 
with  the  inclusive  "all  appurtenances";*  within  were 
sometimes  found  small  houses;'^  villani  occasionally 
resided  in  them ;'  ploughlands  are  mentioned  sepa- 
rately as  being  part  of  them ;'  and  finally,  they  could 
be  sold  separately  apparently  on  the  same  terms  as 
the  casalia.^  But  while  the  casale  and  gastina  appear 
so  often  to  have  been  almost  synonymous  terms,  only 
once  are  they  so  mentioned.'  So  while  according  to 
these  view^s,  these  two  divisions  seem  almost  the  same, 
and  even  at  times  interchangeable  terms,  yet  in  many 
other  places  the  gastina  is  only  a  part,  and  apparently 
a  well-known  part,  of  the  casale,  and  not  co-ordinate 
with  it  in  any  way.'"  In  a  charter  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  we  find  mention  of  casalia  and  their  gasttnae; 
next  the  casalia  ;  and  finally  the  gastiuae  alone."    While 


*  Rohricht.      Regesta.  No.  409. 
^  Ibid.,  No.  424. 

'  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .  .  .  Josaphat  in  Rev.  dc  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  147. 

*  Strehlke.      Tab.  ord.  Theut..  No.  77. 
^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  1184. 

'  Delaborde.  Chartes  .  .  .  de  Notre  Dame  de  Josaphat,  No, 
XLIII. 

'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  642. 
«  Ibid.,  No.  347. 

*  Ibid.,  No.  556.  Quintaria  vindemiae  suae  de  territorio  Bethe- 
cartas  .  .  .  et  guastinae  vocatur  Theire  latine  vero  casale  Gaufridi 
de  Portu,  concedit. 

'"  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  370.  Strehlke. 
Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  Nos.  7  and  34.  This  latter,  of  the  year  1198, 
reads:    ■"unum  casale  cum  villanis  et  gastinis." 

"  Ibid..  No.  117. 


12 

no  definition  is  given  nor  can  any  definite  hypothesis 
be  maintained  with  regard  to  a  fixed  unit  of  any  kind, 
yet  since  the  boundaries  are  usually  given  when  not 
in  connection  with  a  casale,  the  supposition  arises  that 
land  must  be  the  basis  of  the  meaning  of  the  word, 
probably  a  field  of  larger  or  smaller  dimensions.  To 
the  strengthening  of  this  supposition  comes  another 
conception  of  the  word  in  a  grant  of  a  corner  of  a 
gastina  on  which  a  man  is  to  build  a  house.'  And 
again  in  another  charter  a  certain  gastina  is  granted 
for  building  houses  and  planting  certain  vines. ^  Besides 
this  it  was  pasture-land  with  which  it  is  mentioned  as 
synonymous.^  The  gastina  seems  thus  to  have  been 
primarily  land,  but  probably  included  as  time  went  on 
whatever  was  planted  or  erected  thereon  in  the  way 
of  grain  or  houses,  extending  this  ownership  even  to 
the  villaniis  of  the  house.  In  the  documents  of  the 
west,  the  gastina  appears  in  a  wa}^  which  gives  us  no 
more  definite  meaning  than  in  the  east.^ 

The  campi  appear  to  have  been  land  of  larger  or 
smaller  dimensions,  belonging  to  the  cities  and  towns, 
and  lying  just  outside  their  limits.  They  were  divided 
into  gardens  for  fruits  and  trees.  Tripoli  had  one  of 
these  gardens  one  league  long  and  a  half  a  league 
broad. ^  Mt.  Carmel  had  one  ten  leagues  long  by  six 
broad.*     Both  of  these  were  very  fertile  and  productive. 

The  pecia  terrae  differed  in  size,  the  unit  being  often 


'  Rohricht.      Regcsta,  No.  170. 

2  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut..  No.  12S. 

'  Inv.  Pieces  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  215.  Delaville 
le  Roulx.  Cart.,  Vol.  II,  No.  1473. 

*  Delaville  le  Roulx.      Les  Archives,  No.  LXIV.      In  Verona. 

^  Burchardus  de  Monte  Sion,  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor. 
p.  28. 

'  Iljid.,  p.  50. 


13 

found  in  the  ploughland.'  Although  not  always  the 
same  sized  piece  is  meant,  yet  often  a  multiple  of  a 
fixed  unit  is  used.  In  one  case  the  amount  of  land  is 
that  ploughed  by  two  pairs  of  oxen  in  one  day,'  in 
another  the  amount  ploughed  by  three  pairs. ^  A  defi- 
nite amount  or  a  multiple  of  a  definite  amount  seems 
to  be  meant  when  the  reading  is  "una  pecia,"  but 
w'hen  found  with  ' '  magna''  or  ' '  quaedam,'"  the  amount 
was  not  necessarily  a  ploughland  nor  any  multiple 
thereof.  The  use  generally  made  of  this  pecia  was  for 
planting  trees,  usually  the  olive  ;*  yet  it  seems  also  to 
have  been  used  to  designate  land  under  cultivation  for 
grain.' 

Very  nearly  like  the  pecia  ierrae,  and  hardly  to  be 
distinguished  from  it,  was  the  division  known  as  the 
terrae,  whose  size  was  determined  by  the  amount  of 
land  ploughed  by  a  certain  given  number  of  pairs  of 
oxen  during  a  day.  This  is  simply  a  more  exact  state- 
ment for  the  pecia  terrae,"  for  which  it  was  sometimes 
used,  although  usually  referring  to  land  for  sowing  in 
place  of  the  vines  or  canamella  found  on  the  pecia.'' 

The  frustum  meant  evidently  just  what  is  said,  a  bit, 
and  had  seemingly  no  definite  signification  as  to  size.* 
So  too  the  particula  was  used  with  no  more  exact 
meaning.' 


'  Strehlke.     Tab.   ord.   Theut.,   \o.    75.   ''duas  pecie   terre,   r[ue 
sunt  due  carrucate." 

'  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  380. 
'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  11 14. 

*  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus..  Vol.  XIII.  pp.  3S0  and  3S1. 
5  Ibid.,  p.  379. 

*  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  377.     Chartes  de  I'abbaye   .   .   .  Josa- 
phat  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  VII.  p.  115. 

^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  Nos.  377  and  11 14. 

'  Ibid.,  No.  510.  '^\'6^ki- 

«  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  XVIII.  '  ^^  ^"^ 

i    UNIVERSriY    y 


V 


14 

The  carriicate  or  ploughland,  the  mention  of  which 
we  find  over  and  over  again,  is  simply  and  clearly 
shown  in  a  grant^  to  the  canons  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
where  the  reading  is :  "  Six  ploughlands  thus  deter- 
mined; three  .  .  .  this  side  of  the  river  .  .  .  three 
the  other  side,  as  much  as  six  pairs  of  oxen  shall  be 
able  to  plough  and  cultivate,"  etc.  These  ploughlands 
doubtless  differed  in  size  here  as  elsewhere  during  the 
same  period,  and  we  find  mention  of  the  Greek  plough- 
land^  as  distinguished  from  the  French  ploughland.^ 
Nothing  is  said  to  lead  us  to  suspect  that  the  scattered 
strip  system,  found  in  Europe  during  the  same  period, 
existed  here.  In  fact  quite  the  opposite  view*  could 
be  maintained  from  a  charter  giving  the  size  as  twenty- 
four  cordes  in  length  by  sixteen  in  breadth.  According 
to  this  measurement  the  ploughland  consisted  of  from 
seventy-five  to  one  hundred  acres.  This  seems  also 
to  have  been  the  unit  of  land  held  generally  by  the 
villaniis,  the  amount  on  which  he  was  taxed,  the  amoimt 


*  Roziere.  Cart,  dii  S.  Sep.,  No.  125.  "Sex  carrucatas  terrae 
ita  determinatas:  tres  videlicet  citra  flumen  de  Cayfa  prope  fon- 
tanas,  et  tres  ultra  finem  sitas  supra  ripas,  quantum  sex  paria  bourn 
laborare  et  excolere  poterint  per  omnes  sationes,  scilicet  tres  ad 
seminandum,  et  alias  tres  ad  garantandum." 

^  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .  .  .  Josaphat,  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  152. 

^  Strchlke.      Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  119. 

*  Rohricht.  Rcgesta,  No.  722.  In  the  margin  of  the  manu- 
script is  noted:  Chascun  charue  dot  havoir  XXIV  cordes  longe  et 
XVI  du  large,  et  la  corde  dot  havoir  XVIII  toise  du  home  mezaine 
et  ensi  le  tout  en  la  secrete  du  reame  de  Jerusalem  par  I'asise  du 
reame  devant-dit."  The  corde  had  at  that  time  two  different 
measures,  one  of  five  and  one-half  feet,  the  other  six.  But  con- 
sidering the  "home  mezaine"  to  mean  an  ordinary  sized  man,  the 
measurement  would  probably  come  nearer  the  former  than  the 
latter  measurement,  and  the  result  would  be  a  piece  of  land  about 
seventy-five  acres. 


15 

from  which  he  paid  to  his  lord  the  percentage  of  his 
fruits  and  harvests.' 

The  jornata-  from  its  very  form  seems  to  have  been 
the  same  amount  as  that  ploughed  in  one  day  by  a  pair 
of  oxen. 

In  the  case  of  vineae  or  vineyards  the  amount  of 
land  contained  therein  is  usually  stated  in  plough- 
lands.^  They  were  often  granted  with  the  retention 
of  a  certain  proportion  of  the  fruit,  or  of  a  rental  of  a 
certain  number  of  liters  of  wine.*  In  grants  per- 
mitting the  planting  of  vineyards,  stipulation  was 
usually  made  that  the  receivers  of  the  privilege  must 
make  good  their  part  of  the  bargain  in  good  cultivation, 
or  else  the  agreement  would  become  void,  and  the 
vines,  the  property  of  the  owner  of  the  land.  On  the 
other  hand,  permission  was  given  at  the  end  of  the 
third  year  to  sell  the  vineyard,  saving  any  rights  in 
the  original  bargain,  to  any  except  soldiers,  sons  of 
soldiers,  religious  houses,  and  men  of  the  communes.^ 

The  olivetiim,  so  far  as  the  land  occupied  by  the 
trees  is  concerned,  is  often  included  under  the  pecia 
terrae,  particiilae,  terrae,  etc.,  but  sometimes  it  was 
granted  either  by  itself  or  as  a  part  of  a  casale.  Its 
size  was  not  definitely  fixed,  but  depended  upon  the 
amount  given  in  each  particular  grant.* 

The  mills,  although  not,  strictly  speaking,  a  part  of 


'  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  XIII.  p.  384. 
^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  358. 
^  Ibid.,  No.  258. 

*  Cart,  de  S.  Lazare  in  Arch,  de  I'Or.  Lat..  Vol.  II,  chartcs  No. 
XXI  and  No.  XXXI. 

*  Chartes  de  I'abbaye   .   .   .  Josaphat  i)i  Rev.  dc  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  pp.  140-141.      Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  88. 

'  Delaborde.     Chartcs   .   .   .   de    Notre    Dame   de   Josaphat,    No. 
XXVIII. 


i6 

the  land,  yet  occupied  enough  land  and  a  conspicuous 
enough  place  to  warrant  their  mention.  They  were 
usually  near  or  in  a  city  or  village.'  The  villania  men- 
tioned in  several  places  seems  to  have  been  nothing 
more  than  a  mill,  the  wording  in  different  passages 
the  same,  where  villania  or  inolendinniu  could  be  used 
interchangeably,^  although  in  one  instance  the  molen- 
dinmn  seems  to  include  the  villania.^ 

The  castella,  castra,  villae,  feudae,  appear  in  the  docu- 
ments many  times,  but  seem  always  capable  of  being 
resolved  into  parts  already  dealt  with,  so  need  no 
separate  mention. 

To  the  churches  land  was  granted  for  cemeteries;* 
to  the  hospitals,  churches  and  others  were  granted 
orchards  and  gardens.^  And  not  only  was  all  the  land 
granted  and  sold,  given  and  exchanged,  but  the  sea- 
coast,  and  even  the  sea  itself  as  far  out  to  sea  as  a 
man  could  hurl  a  stone. ° 

All  the  divisions  of  land  mentioned  above  occur  in 
the  documents  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries, 
not  only  as  simple  holdings,  but  as  parts  of  others; 
as  a  c  as  ale  might  be  a  part  of  a  villa,  so  the  pecia 
terrae,  the  carrucate,  the  vineyard,  not  only  might  be, 
but  usually  were  parts  of  a  casale.  So  a  network  of 
different  size  and  varied  pattern  would  be  spread  over 
the  paper,  were  we  to  attempt  to  picture  it  on  a  map 


'  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  369. 

'  Rohricht.  Regesta,  No.  636.  Rozierc.  Cart,  du  S.  Sep.. 
No.  90. 

'  Paoli.      (Giunta  al)  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  VI,  p.  284. 

*  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .  .  .  Josaphat  in  Rev.  do  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  124. 

'"  Rohricht.     Regesta,  No.  130. 

"  Ibid.,  No.  522. 


17 

of  that  period.  The  piece  or  bit  of  land,  with  or 
without  a  house,  within  a  gastina,  which  was  itself 
enclosed  in  a  casale  forming  part  of  a  \'illa,  which  was 
in  turn  part  of  a  fief, — all  this  might  be  so,  or  on  the 
other  hand,  the  small  piece  of  land  might  be  as  inde- 
pendent as  the  villa  or  casale  itself. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  People. 

The  peoples  found  in  the  east  during  these  same 
centuries  were  varied  in  nationality  and  differed  among 
themselves  in  their  religious  tenets.  From  the  west 
came  the  French,  the  Italians,  the  Germans,  the 
Spaniards,  the  English.  These  men  were  moved,  for 
the  most  part,  by  their  desire  for  power,  their  religious 
zeal,  or  their  commercial  spirit.  Others  were  doubt- 
less incited  by  the  overcrowded  conditions  in  the  west, 
by  their  own  individual  desire  to  roam,  or,  in  some 
instances,  by  their  hope  of  escaping  just  penalties  of 
the  law  at  home.'  Besides  the  western  Christians 
there  were  the  Oriental  Christians,  for  the  most  part 
schismatic,  comprising  the  Syrians,  Armenians  and 
Greeks.  One  traveler-  tells  us  that  there  were  thirty 
or  more  of  these  Christians  for  every  one  Mussulman. 
Proportionately  few  Hebrews  were  found,  none  outside 
of  the  cities.  The  Moslem  Saracens  and  Arabs  with 
the  wandering  Bedouins  seem  to  complete  the  list  of 
nationalities  found  as  dwellers  in  Syria.  The  Turks, 
Parthians,  Medes,  Kurds,  Egyptians,  are  all  found  at 
different  times  under  the  standard  of  the  Sultan  and 
fighting  for  his  interests.  The  discussion  of  these 
nationalities  will  occupy  the  remainder  of  the  present 
chapter 


'  Burchard  of  Mt.   vSion    in  Laurent,   Per.    Med.  Acvi   Quatuor, 
p.  88. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  90. 

(18) 


19 

From  all  parts  of  France  came  the  boldest  and  those 
most  eager  in  the  holy  cause  of  the  Crusade.  The 
different  parts  of  the  east  were  seized  by  them  with 
divided  zeal  for  earthly  power  and  heavenly  reward. 
The  smaller  seigneuries  also  are  found  in  their  control 
as  time  goes  on.  In  this  way  they  came  to  found  a 
certain  Latin  aristocracy  on  Syrian  soil. 

Farther  south,  in  Italy,  the  men  took  up  just  as 
eagerly  the  crusading  spirit  and  entered  with  zest  a 
movement  which  gave  not  only  excellent  chance  for 
gain  through  booty,  but  also  granted  them  a  chance 
for  the  exercise  of  the  commercial  spirit ;  and  so  we 
find  them  in  great  numbers  and  force  through  the 
cities  along  the  seacoast.  The  Pisans,  Genoese  and 
Venetians  seem  to  have  been  skilled  in  war  and 
dauntless  at  sea,  which  qualities  undoubtedly  drew 
the  attention  of  the  kings  to  them  in  time  of  need. 
Their  reward  came  in  exemption  from  general  juris- 
diction, and  freedom  from  duties  on  exports,  which 
fostered  and  encouraged  their  native  commercial 
spirit.'  To  these  privileges  were  added  possessions 
given  by  special  grant  from  the  kings.  =  As  com- 
munes, they  had  their  own  courts,  where  all  cases 
between  them  were  tried  except  cases  involving 
treason,  murder  or  theft.'  The  property  held  was  also 
held  by  them  as  a  unit."  At  the  head  of  affairs  among 
the  Genoese^  were  the  consuls  and  viscounts;    of  the 


*  Anon.      Pilgrim  in  Pil.  Text  Soc,  Vol.  YI,  No.  V,  2,  p.  2q. 
'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  Nos.  53  and  449. 

3  Ibid.,  No.  680;   Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XII.  Chap.  XXV;    Iluillard- 
Breholles,  Hist.  Dip.  Fred.  II.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  13 1-2,  134. 

*  Rohricht.     Regesta,  Nos.  12.  102.  585. 

*  Genes  Quatre  Titres  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat..  Vol.  II.  Chartcs,  p. 
227. 


20 

Venetians,'  the  bajnlns  or  governor;  while  the  Pisans^ 
are  mentioned  as  commune,  senators  and  two  consuls. 
These  different  men  from  the  western  cities  seem  to 
have  lived  in  the  eastern  cities  in  separate  segregations, 
where  each  held  possession  of  a  certain  locality,  usually 
of  a  street.^  In  the  year  1190  Guido,  king  of  Jerusa- 
lem, granted  practically  the  same  privileges  to  the 
people  from  Amalfi.* 

The  Germans  came  early,  but  continually  fighting, 
gained  at  first  no  foothold  as  did  their  more  enter- 
prising neighbors,  the  French  and  Norman-Italians. 
Later  on,  however,  the  charters  show  them  holding 
land  and  other  property.^ 

The  Spanish  and  English  are  mentioned  as  separate 
nationalities  still  less  than  the  Germans." 

To  the  eastern  mind  all  the  men  from  the  west, 
whether  they  came  from  northern  Europe  and  repre- 
sented the  war  party,  or  whether  they  came  from 
southern  Europe  and  stood  for  peace  and  commerce,  all 
the  westerners  were  Franks,  who  ruled  in  turn  over 
all  others.'  Although  the  soldiers  from  the  west  were 
as  a  whole  designated  Franks,  yet  the  eastern  mind 
usually  noted  the  difference  of  nationality  when 
speaking  of  kings  and  those  especially  noted  for 
bravery  f    and  yet  in  one  place  the  king  of  Germany 


'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  1413. 

^  Ibid.,  No.  292. 

^Rohricht.      Regesta,  Nos.   1331   and   1346;    Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk. 
XII,  Ch.  XXV. 

Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  690. 

=  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  603. 

«  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CCXX. 

^  Wilbrand  of  Oldenborg  in  Laurent,  Per.   Med.  Aevi  Quatuor, 
p.  172. 

*  Beha-ed-din  in  Rec.  Or.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  34. 


21 

is  called  a  Frank.'  Although  the  Franks,  according 
to  the  eastern  writers,  took  their  towns  and  villages,^ 
and  put  their  inhabitants  to  death,  this  boldness 
seems  to  have  been  greatly  admired  by  the  easterners, 
who  speak  of  the  Franks  as  most  prudent  warriors 
and  brave. ^ 

Besides  the  invading  and  conquering  westerners,  the 
land  was  occupied  by  different  Oriental  elements  which 
had  been  dominant  in  different  periods  of  its  history. 
The  Syrians,  who  were  very  numerous  and  often  men- 
tioned, were  divided  according  to  their  heretical  sects 
into  Nestorians,  Jacobites  and  Maronites.  But  there 
were  also  orthodox  Syrians,  some  of  whom  were  called 
upon  to  come  in  from  the  mountains  to  dwell  in 
Jerusalem,  at  one  time  w^hen  that  city  became  depopu- 
lated.^ These  men,  schismatic  Christians  as  well  as 
orthodox,  were  used  extensively  for  garrison  duty'  and 
even  trusted  as  messengers  to  carry  important  com- 
munications between  the  different  parts  of  the  Chris- 
tian army.*  It  must  have  been  for  garrison  duty  and 
other  necessary  work  that  the  Syrians  as  a  whole  were 
generall}^  preserved  after  a  battle,  although  the  men 
of  the  other  races  w^ere  often  killed ;'  for  some  motive 
must  have  been  necessary  to  have  led  the  Franks  to 
spare  men,  part  of  whom  they  considered  weak  and 
effeminate,^  and  part  of  whom  they  regularly  referred 


'  Vie  d'Ousama  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  p.  423. 

^  Mirat  Ez-zeman  in  Rec.  Or.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  520-4. 

^  Vie  d'Ousama  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  pp.  344  and  393. 

*  Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XI,  Ch.  XXVII. 

^  Gesta  Franc,  m  Rec.  Oc,  III,  p.  516;   Sec.  pars,  p.  5S4. 

'  Gesta  Franc,  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  535. 

'  Fulk  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  Ill,  Bk.  II,  Ch.  IV,  p.  379. 

8  Wm.  of  Tvre,  Bk.  XXII,  Ch.  XV. 


22 


to  as  "that  wretched  mob  of  Syrians."'  It  is  strange 
that  with  the  tales  of  their  treachery,  not  alone  by  the 
chroniclers,  but  by  the  travelers^  as  well,  that  we 
find  the  Franks  not  only  aided  by  these  despised  eastern 
men  in  battle,  and  served  by  them  as  garrison,  but  we 
find  them  worshipping  under  the  same  roof,^  although 
not  at  the  same  altar.  The  Syrians  had  usually  either 
an  altar  for  themselves  or  else  worshipped  at  a  different 
hour.  Nor  does  this  intercommunication  seem  quite 
consistent  with  the  character  of  these  men  given  us  by 
one  of  the  writers,''  who  does  not  hesitate  to  call  them 
all  thieves  and  robbers.  In  the  cities,  they  were 
grouped  together^  in  districts,  as  the  Pisans,  Genoese 
and  Venetians  were,  and  were  employed  as  scribes,* 
textile  workers,'  gold  workers,'  cobblers,"  and  masons. * 
In  the  country,  the  Syrian  was  found  generally  as  the 
villaniis,  who  was  the  agrarian  tenant,  owing  to  his 
lord  a  certain  amount  of  money  and  a  percentage  of 
his  harvest  and  fruits,  but  capable  of  being  transferred, 
sold  or  granted  with  his  ploughlands  as  part  of  the 
casale.^  Although  for  the  most  part  poor  and  sub- 
servient to  the  conquering  Frank,  yet  there  were  some 
who   seem   to   have   either  retained   their  wealth,    or 


'  Ibid.,  Bk.  XVIII,  Ch.  V. 

-  Biirchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Medii  Aevi  Quatuor, 
p.  Sg. 

'  Theodoric  in  Pil.  Text  Soc.,  Vol.  V.  pp.  13-14. 

••  Jacques  de  Vitrj-  in  Bongars,  p.  1089. 

^  In  Jerusalem  their  section  was  called  ' '  Jewr}-."  Wm.  of  Tyi-e, 
Cent.  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  II,  p.  505. 

"  Rohricht.     Regesta,  No.  1242. 

^  Ibid.,  No.  II 14. 

"  City  of  Jerusalem  /;;  Pil.  Text  Soc.,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  6-7. 

»  Rohricht.  Regesta,  No.  278.  Dclaville  le  Roulx.  Cart.,  Vol.  I, 
No.  207,  p.  160. 


23 

gained  it  from  the  Franks.'  They  appear  also  to  have 
been  granted  the  right  of  following  their  own  laws 
except  in  quarrels  involving  Hfe.'  Their  court  was 
presided  over  by  one  of  their  own  number,  who  was 
known  as  the  reis.  The  western  w^riters  throughout 
generally  express  contempt  for  the  Syrians  as  a  whole, 
yet  make  an  exception  when  speaking  of  the  Maronites. 
This  sect  seems  to  have  been  most  numerous  about 
Tripoli,  where  their  number  was  estimated  to  be  about 
forty  thousand.^  The  Jacobites  and  Maronites  were 
better  educated,  and  seemingly  cared  more  for  litera- 
ture than  the  orthodox  Syrians.  They  had  con- 
troversies among  themselves  on  their  religious  tenets. 
They  both  used  the  Chaldean  letters,  or  something 
very  close  to  them.*  Monastic  houses,  too,  are  men- 
tioned among  both  of  these  sects." 

Within  the  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
the  Armenians  lived  in  the  greatest  numbers  in  Edessa 
and  Antioch.'  They  seem  to  have  taken  as  kindly  to 
the  invading  Frank  as  did  the  Syrians,  and  we  find 
chapels  in  the  churches  built  by  them  for  worship,  as 
well  as  those  built  by  the  Syrians.'  As  time  went  on, 
not  only  did  they  worship  thus  closely,  but  came  to 
intermarry.*  Baldwin  of  Edessa  himself  married  into 
the     Armenian    nobility.*     They    also    followed    the 


'  Delaville  le  Roulx.      Les  Arch.,  No.  VI.    Roziere.     Cart,  du  S. 
Sep.,  Nos.  6 1  and  8i. 

-  Beugnot.      Lois.  Vol.  I.  Ch.  IV.  )'.  26. 
5  Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XXII,  Ch.  VIII. 

*  Oliverus.      Hist.  Damiatina,  No.  64. 

■'  Wm.  of  Tyre.  Cont.  (Roth.  MS.)  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  II,  p.  507 
"  Kamel-Altevarykh  in  Rec.  Cr.  Arm.,  Vol.  I,  p.  20S. 
'  Theodoric  /;/  Pil.  Text  Soc.  Vol.  V,  p.  15. 

*  Du  Cange.      Families  d'outre  Mer,  pp.  105-167. 
'  Jacques  de  Vitry  i)i  Bongars,  pp.  1089-93. 


24 

western  customs  and  manners  to  a  great  extent, 
especially  in  the  formal  part  of  the  government.  They 
had  their  own  characters  for  letters,  and  cultivated 
literature  to  quite  an  extent,  turning  especially  to 
history.^  In  the  city,  too,  they  congregated  in  one 
district.^  They  were  employed  here  especially  as 
butchers,  bakers  and  carpenters.^  In  war  they  often 
appear  grouped  with  the  Syrians  and  Greeks  on  the 
side  of  the  Franks  against  the  Turks  and  Arabs. ^  In 
the  country  they  were  employed  in  cultivating  the  soil 
as  villani,  the  same  as  the  Syrians.^  While  the 
Armenians  were  apparently  on  the  same  social  plane 
as  the  Syrians  in  some  places,  yet  in  most  instances 
they  were  regarded  as  far  above  them,  in  many  cases 
equal  to  the  Franks  themselves. 

The  Greeks  were,  socially  speaking,  lower  than  the 
Syrians,  for  we  do  not  find  them  enjoying  any  of  the 
privileges  allowed  the  Syrians.  Their  number  was 
probably  not  nearly  so  large  as  that  of  the  Syrian,  with 
whom  they  were  used  quite  often  in  garrison  duty.^ 
The  old  Roman  opinion  of  their  unfaithfulness  and 
unreliability  seems  to  have  existed  in  full  force  in  the 
minds  of  the  western  writers.'  In  city  life  they  appear 
as  masons,  cobblers  and  watchmen.*  In  country  life 
their  names  are  rarely  found. 

Little  is  known  of  the  Georgians,  a  warlike  race  of 


'  De  St.  Nerses  de  Lampron  in  Rec.  Cr.  Arm.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  570-78. 

2  Huillard-BrehoUes.      Hist.  Dip.  Fred.  II.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  127. 

3  Dclaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  648,  p.  437. 
*  Tudcbodus  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  44. 

5  Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XVIII,  Ch.  XXVIII. 

"  Gesta   Franc,  in   Rec.  Oc,  Vol.,  Ill,  p.   516;  Ibid.,  pars  sec,  p. 

584. 

'  Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XVIII,  Ch.  XXII. 

8  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  64S,  p.  437. 


25 

Christians  heretical  in  their  tendencies.  In  these  they 
were,  however,  more  nearly  like  the  Greeks  than  Latins. 
They  used  their  own  alphabetical  characters."  They 
were  few  in  number,  but  considered  brave  and  strong 
in  war,-  and  especially  powerful  in  control  over  the 
Saracens.  They  had  come  into  the  Holy  Land'  from 
Iberia,  urged  thither  by  their  king  in  defense  of  that 
country.* 

The  Jews  are  not  mentioned  at  all  in  the  country 
places,  but  were  found  in  the  different  cities,  where  they 
seem  to  have  lived  in  special  localities.^  In  Jebail  the 
Hebrew  population  seems  to  have  been  under  the  con- 
trol of  seven  Genoese.*  In  Acre  each  male  over  fifteen 
years  of  age  was  bound  to  pay  yearly  one  besant  to 
the  court  of  the  Venetians  where  their  trials  were 
heard.''  At  Tyre  they  were  employed  especially  in 
the  manufacture  of  Tyrian  glass,  and  were  interested 
in  commerce  and  trade  as  shipowners.  In  the  cities 
throughout  the  different  parts  of  the  country  they 
were  busy  as  dyers,  while  at  Jerusalem  they  had  the 
exclusive  right  of  dyeing  from  the  king.  This  business 
was  carried  on  in  the  Jewish  quarter  which  was  near 
the  tower  of  David.  On  the  whole  there  seems  to 
have  been  more  of  this  nationality  in  Damascus  under 
the  Mohammedan  rule,  than  in  Syria  under  the  Chris- 


'  Oliverus.      Hist.  Damiatina,  No.  63. 

^  Jacques  de  Vitry  in  Bongars,  p.  1095. 

3  Rohricht.      Regcsta,  No.  868. 

*  Potthast.      Regesta,  No.  4267. 

5  Delaborde.  Chartes  .  .  .  de  Notre  Dame  de  Josaphat.  No. 
XVII.  The  one  great  source  for  the  Jews  of  this  period  in  the 
east  is  Benjamin  of  Tudela.  He  gives  the  number  found  in  each 
town,  together  with  the  occupations  generally  followed  by  them. 

«  Benjamin  of  Tudela  in  Wright.  Early  Travels  in  Pal.,  p.  79. 

'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  11 14. 


26 

tian.'  In  the  early  part  of  their  stay  in  Jerusalem 
under  the  Franks  there  was  apparently  no  distinction 
made  against  them  by  law,  at  least  none  seems  to  be 
mentioned.  But  in  the  Assizes,  they  were  no  longer 
able  to  hold  property.^ 

It  has  been  said  that  the  slaves,  Greeks,  Syrians, 
Arabs,  bore  the  yoke  of  the  Latins  with  as  much 
resignation  as  they  had  borne  the  yoke  of  the  Turks.' 
This  does  not  seem  strange  with  regard  to  the  Greeks 
and  Syrians,  who  were  orthodox  or  heretical  Christians, 
but  the  Arabs  and  Saracens  were  Moslems,  and  not  to 
be  classed  even  with  the  schismatic  Christians.  Yet 
even  from  a  Mussulman  source^  comes  an  account  of 
the  apparent  prosperity  of  the  farmers,  with  their  con- 
tinuous farms  all  occupied.  From  the  receipts  of  these 
a  portion  of  the  harvest  and  a  poll  tax  had  to  be  paid 
to  the  Franks.  These  people  had  their  own  houses 
and  claimed  they  were  governed  more  justly  than  their 
brother  Mussulmans  living  under  their  own  chiefs. 
While  this  seems  to  have  been  the  most  generally 
accepted  view  of  the  people  under  the  western  con- 
querors, even  by  the  subjugated  eastern  peoples,  yet 
the  element  of  security  of  tenure  under  the  strangers 
seems  sometimes  to  have  interfered  with  the  prosperity 
of  the  farming  class.'*  To  this  farming  class  consisting, 
as  was  mentioned  above,  of  the  Syrians  and  Armenians, 
must  be  added  the  Saracens.  Although  we  find  the 
western  men  intermarrying  with  the  Saracen  women 


'  Benjamin   of  Tudcla  in   Wright,   Early  Traxx-ls  in    Pal. 
et  seq. 

^  Beugnot.      Lois.  Vol.  II,  pp.  254-5. 

'  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  introduction,  p.  XLII. 

*  Ibn  Djobeir  m  Rec.  Croisades  Oc,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  44S. 

'  Chron.  d'Alc])  211  Rec.  Croisades  Or.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  625. 


27 

after  the  latter  have  been  baptized,'  yet  the  feeling 
between  the  Saracens  and  Franks  was  by  no  means 
kindly.  The  latter  looked  down  upon  the  Saracens,^ 
while  these  men  in  turn  cordially  hated  the  Christians, 
especially  the  Franks,'  and  ne\-er  let  an  opportunity 
pass  to  fall  upon  their  enemy,  and  plunder  whenever 
and  wherever  possible.  When  the  Christians  were 
victorious,  the  Saracens  were  often  slain. ^  The  Mussul- 
mans were,  however,  recognized  by  the  Franks  when 
competent,  for  we  see  at  Acre  the  Franks  naming  a 
Mussulman,  and  placing  him  in  charge  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  about.''  The 
Saracens  were  also  found  among  the  number  of  slaves, 
captured  and  made  such  by  the  fortunes  of  war."  In 
the  cities,  although  brought  more  closely  in  contact 
with  each  other,  the  feeling  existing  between  the 
Saracen  and  Frank  was  b}^  no  means  cordial.  In  the 
city  of  Jerusalem,  which  was  considered  by  the  Mos- 
lems as  holy,  since  it  was  to  this  city'  their  prophet 
fled,  and  here  the  last  judgment  was  to  take  place,  the 
Saracens  for  a  time  held  possession  of  the  keys  of  the 
church,  and  their  treatment  of  the  Christians  reflected 
their  feelings.*  But  a  cordial  feeling  between  the 
Christian  Crusader  and  the  Mussulman  is  hardly  to  be 
expected,  and  we  find  the  antipathy  based  rather  on 
belief   in    their   dogmas   than    on    any    qualities   pos- 


'  Paoli.      Cod.  Dip..  Vol.   I.  XX\':    Fulk  in  Rec.  Croisades  Oc. 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  468. 

^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  635. 

^  Ricoldvis  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Ac\i  Qualuor.  p.  123. 

*  Ftilkw  Rec.  Croisades  Oc.,  Vol.  Ill,  Bk.  II,  Ch.  IV.  p.  379. 

^  Ibn  Djobeir  in  Rec.  Croisades -Or.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  449. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  454. 

^  Beha-ed-din  in  Rec.  Croisades  Or.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  275. 

8  SS.  Epist.,  Saeculi  XIII,  Vol.  I,  No.  390. 


28 

sessed  by  either  of  them.  The  fact  that  both  sources 
testify  to  the  good  quahties  of  the  other,  even  grudg- 
ingly and  scantily,  seems  to  lead  to  this  supposition. 

The  Assassini  seem  to  have  been  a  branch  of  the 
Saracens  who  dwelt  in  castles  and  fortresses  in  the 
mountains ;'  although  they  cherished  and  carefully 
followed  the  laws  and  traditions  of  the  Saracens  in 
many  respects,  they  acknowledged  neither  Mohammed 
nor  Christ.^  By  one  writer  their  number  was  estimated 
at  forty  thousand  fighting  men.  These  men  do  not 
seem  to  have  acknowledged  an  hereditary  leader,  but 
to  have  chosen  one  of  their  own  men  to  lead  them, 
whom  they  called  "the  old  man  of  the  mountains."' 
For  a  time  they  seem  to  have  been  tributary  to  the 
Templars.* 

The  Arab  Mussulmans  had  an  extensive  and  wide- 
spread civilization,  interested  in  things  intellectual  and 
philanthropical.  Their  names  are  mentioned  as  law- 
yers, magistrates,  judges;  grammarians,  historians, 
lexicographers ;  doctors  and  surgeons ;  masons  and 
carpenters;   butchers  and  stonecutters.* 

The  wandering  Arabs  or  Bedouins  seem  to  have 
been  divided  into  two  classes.  One  consisted  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  desert,  who  were  considered  espe- 
cially ugly,  and  described  as  blacker  than  soot.  They 
lived  on  milk  from  their  herds,  and  in  rainv  weather 


'  Wm.  of  Tyre,  cont.  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  II,  p.  523. 

=  Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XX,  Ch.  XXIX.  Wm.  of  Tyre,  cont.  Rec. 
Oc,  Vol.  11,  pp.  523  and  530. 

^  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor.  p.  90. 
Wm.  of  Tyre,  Bk.  XX,  Ch.  XXIX,  says  60,000. 

^  Oliverus.     Hist.  Ter.  Sanct.,  No.  63. 

''  Makrisi  in  Qtiatremere,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  p.  229;  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I, 
pp.  221-224,  244,  247;  Vol.  I,  Pt.  II,  pp.  6,  7,  33;  Vol.  II,  Pt.  II, 
pp.  81-2. 


29 

wore  unsightly  coarse  hair  peHsses.'  Countless  in 
number  and  dauntless  in  war,  they  armed  themselves 
with  bow,  quiver  and  round  shield.'  The  second  kind 
must  have  been  a  little  more  civilized,  or  a  little  less 
sa\'age,  than  the  other.  They  were  used  in  casalia 
and  looked  upon  as  part  of  their  property.  These  men 
appear  to  have  lived  in  tents,  moving  about  for  new 
pastures  for  their  flocks.  They  too  were  warlike,  but 
carried  swords  and  shields,  and  not  arrows.^  The 
earliest  notice  in  the  year  1143  gives  nothing  except 
the  bare  fact  that  with  a  certain  casale,  lands,  villani. 
Bedouins  and  their  heirs  were  transferred.^  In  the 
year  1160  Baldwin  III.  granted  to  the  Hospital  of 
St.  John  fifty  tents  of  the  Bedouins,  which,  the  grant 
states,  must  never  have  served  the  king  or  his  predeces- 
sors, but  which  the  holder  of  the  casale  himself  may  be 
able  to  gain  in  any  way.*  In  the  same  year  there  was  a 
grant  by  the  same  king  to  Philip  of  Naplouse  of  certain 
things,  reserving,  however,  all  his  Bedouins  who  were 
not  bom  in  the  land  of  Alt.  Regal,  and  reserving  also 
all  the  caravans  which  pass  through  the  parts  of  Alex- 
andria and  Egypt  to  Damascus,  as  well  as  those 
passing  the  other  way.^  These  two  last  grants  seem 
to  point  to  the  origin  of  these  bands  as  being  originally 
captured  by  men  who  were  granted  rights  of  retaining 
them.  Thus  the  conquerors  came  into  possession  not 
only  of  booty,  but  of  men  together  with  the  herds  of 
animals  which  thev  drove.     But,  although  the  viscount 


1  Joinville.      Louis  IX.  in   Bouquet.  Rec.  des  Hist,  dcs  Gaules. 
Vol.  XX,  p.  230. 

2  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Acvi  Quatuor,  p.  Sq. 
'  Beugnot.      Lois,  Vol.  H,  p.  507,  Chartes,  etc.,  Xo.  26. 

*  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  XXXVL 
5  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  3. 


of  Naplouse  seemed  to  be  shut  out  from  participation 
in  the  Bedouin  trade,  the  year  1178  shows  a  sale  by 
Amalricus,  its  viscount,  of  one  hundred  and  three  tents 
of  these  men,  to  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  at  Jerusalem. 
The  sale  was  concluded  for  five  thousand  five  hundred 
besants,  including  the  Bedouins,  their  families  and  all 
their  possessions.'  Again  in  the  year  1180,  the  king 
granted  to  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  one  hundred  tents 
of  Bedouins  at  Bellumvidere  (a  casale),  "all  who  had 
never  been  under  the  power  of  the  king  nor  his  father."^ 
As  we  alw^ays  find  them  transferred  in  bands,  and  no 
account  taken  of  them  individually,  as  they  were  dis- 
tinctly a  grazing  people,  and  did  not  till  the  soil,  the 
inference  arises  that  they  did  not  rank  as  high  socially 
or  intellectually  as  the  agrarian  laborers,  the  Syrians, 
Armenians  and  Saracens.  So  we  find  them  not  so 
much  villani  as  lower  dependents  in  the  life  of  the 
casale. 

Besides  the  Moslems,  there  were  found  in  the  armies 
of  the  east  the  Parthians,  who  were  employed  as 
bowmen,^  Arabs,  Medes,  Kurds,  Egyptians,  soldiers 
from  Damascus  and  Bagdad ;  but  those  most  men- 
tioned, and  whom  the  eastern  people  seemed  to  dislike 


'  Paoli.  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  LXV;  also  in  Rohricht.  Regesta, 
No.  562.  The  tribe  of  Benecarguas  was  divided  into  nine  different 
tribes:  Benicelge,  10  tents;  Hahassen,  21  tents;  Marahab,  5  tents; 
Bedre,  11  tents;  Lahargerse,  7  tents  (only  five  are  given  here,  but 
two  are  given  at  end  as  being  white  and  belonging  to  this  tribe) ; 
Beilfbzle,  14  tents;  Mathar,  12  tents;  Serif,  11  tents;  Solta,  12 
tents;  in  all,  103  tents.  The  ''tent"  probably  represents  the 
' '  house  "  of  the  more  civilized  nations,  and  the  tcntholdcrs  represent 
householders  or  men  representing  families. 

^  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  582,  p.  395. 

^  Ricardus  Canonicus.  Itin.  Rich,  in  R.  S.,  Vol.  38,  i,  Bk.  I, 
Ch.  LVII. 


31 

as  much  as  did  the  western,  were  the  Turks. '  Although 
these  men  were  considered  detestable,  greedy,  treach- 
erousr  yet  their  valor  in  war  commanded  the  respect 
of  the  Franks,  who  sighed  because  these  warriors  were 
not  of  the  right  faith,  since  the  Crusaders  felt  had  the 
Turks  only  been  Christians  they  would  not  have  had 
their  superiors  in  the  world.'  With  equal  respect  evi- 
dently did  the  Turks  view  the  Franks,  considering  that 
they  must  be  of  the  same  race,  and  that  no  one  ought 
to  be  a  soldier  except  the  Frank  and  the  Turk.*  They 
were  a  wild  race  of  people,  wandering  about,  seeking 
to  enrich  themselves  by  robbery  and  theft.^  In  war 
they  served  as  cavalry  and  were  especially  skilful  with 
the  bow.  When  in  battle  they  were  arranged  in 
phalanxes  with  standards  and  banners,  and  accom- 
panied by  the  usual  trumpets  and  horns.* 

The  Ishmaelites,  although  despised  by  the  Crusaders, 
seem  nevertheless  to  have  been  w^arlike,  and  killed 
many  of  the  western  enemy.''  For  a  time  they  paid 
tribute  to  the  Hospital  at  Tyre,  but  this  ceased  in  the 
year  1.^66  by  a  treaty  between  the  Hospitallers  and 
the  Sultan.* 

The  Kurds,  found  under  the  standard  of  the  eastern 
army,  were,  according  to  an  eastern  account,  good, 
religious,  naturally  inclined  to  virtue  and  good  works." 


'  Ibid. 

-  Fulk  in  Rec.  Croisades  Oc,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  392,  421. 
'  Ricardus  Canonicus.      Itin.   Rich.   I.  in  R.  S.,  Vol.  38,   i,   Bk. 
Ill,  Ch.  XV. 

*  Tudebodus  Imit.  in  Rec.  Oc.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  1S3. 

5  Ricardus  Canonicus.       Itin.  Rich.  I.  in  R.  S.,  Vol.  38,  i,  Bk.  11 
Ch.  XXIII. 

•  Ibid..  Bk.  IV,  Ch.  XVIII. 

'  Rec.  Croisades  Grecs,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  p.  5;  Pt.  II,  p.  8. 
'  Makrisi  in  Quatrem^re,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  II,  pp.  40  and  42 
»  Ibid.,  Vol.  I.  Pt.  I.  p.  166.  footnote. 


32 

Like  the  Arabs  they  founded  colleges,  built  mosques 
and  encouraged  education.  In  the  army,  men  of  the 
rank  of  emirs  possessed  military  benefices.  Ten  men 
of  this  class  preceded  the  Sultan  on  foot.'  The  lan- 
guage used  by  them  was  Kurd,  Arabic,  or  a  mixture  of 
the  two.- 

Thus  in  the  Syria  of  the  Crusaders,  the  peoples  were 
mixed  and  varied.  As  time  went  on,  intermarriages 
took  place  between  the  different  nationalities,  especially 
the  Franks  and  Armenians,  and  the  Franks  and  Sara- 
cens. The  Pullani  were  the  result  of  intermarriage, 
but  it  is  not  certain  between  which  races. ^  It  is  not 
to  be  supposed,  however,  because  marriages  between 
the  different  races  are  not  specifically  mentioned  that 
they  did  not  take  place,  since  people  living  together 
in  one  land,  growing  gradually  together  in  customs, 
having  many  laws  in  common,  would  come  in  time  to 
intermarry.* 

The  slaves  of  the  country  were  either  bought  as  such 
and  brought  into  the  country,  or  being  taken  as  pris- 
oners in  war,  were  reduced  to  the  rank  of  slaves.  The 
men  thus  taken  were  apportioned  out  to  the  victors, 
and  by  them  sold,  exchanged,  or  granted  to  religious 
orders.'^ 

The  women  of  Nubia  were  especially  beautiful,  and 
commanded  high  prices."  The  slaves  who  became 
Christians  were  usually  manumitted.' 


1  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  p.  137,  footnote. 

2  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  p.  166,  footnote. 

^  Jacques  de  Vitry  in  Bongars,  p.  10S6.  Rec.  Crois.  Grccs.  Vol. 
II,  p.  41. 

*  Fulk  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  46S.  Du  Cange,  Families  d'outrc- 
Mer,  pp.  105-167. 

^  Rohricht.     Rcgesta,  No.  397. 

°  Edrisi.     G6ographie,  Vol.  I,  pp.  25-26. 

'  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  CCXXII,   XLVIII. 


33 

A  word  might  be  said  possibly  as  to  the  appearance 
of  these  people.  The  peasants  were  for  the  most  part 
wretchedly  clad  in  a  single  garment  or  shirt  called  the 
kisa.^  Tlie  Syrians  were  distinguished  from  the  Sara- 
cens by  a  woolen  belt.-  The  Syrians  of  rank  a  grade 
higher  wore  a  long  covering  of  linen  or  silk,  called  the 
ridd,  the  wealthy  liaving  this  embroidered.''  They 
had  also  heavy  cloaks  for  rain,  made  of  wool,  called 
minitar^  The  villagers  and  scribes  also  wore  a  woolen 
vest  called  diirraah.-'  The  people  of  the  law  were 
distinguished  by  the  great  turbans  which  they  wore.' 
On  account  of  the  heat  all  wore  something  on  their 
heads,  and  the  color  of  the  turban  was  the  distinctive 
mark  of  the  different  races,  sects  and  orders.  Thus 
the  Sadducees  wore  a  gray  head-dress  interwoven  with 
red,  while  the  Greeks  could  be  distinguished  by  their 
black  turbans.''  The  Christians  wore  blue  turbans; 
the  Jews,  yellow;  the  Samaritans,  red.'  The  (.doth 
used  for  this  turban  was  twenty  ells  long.'  Not  only 
in  civil  life  was  color  used  as  a  mark  of  distinction 
between  the  nationalities,  but  in  the  army  the  men 
were  distinguished  by  a  differently  colored  and  dif- 
ferently decorated  garment  known  as  the  khilah}'^  The 
Bedouins  wore  an  ample  garment  presumably  of  cotton 


'  Mukaddasi  in  LeStrange,  Pal.  under  the  Moslems,  p.  22. 
-  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor,  p.  89. 
^  Mukaddasi   in    Le    Strange,    Pal.    under   the    Moslems,    p.    22. 
Ludolphus  of  Sudheim  in   Arch.  dcl'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  Chartes,  p. 

364. 

■*  Mukaddasi  in  LeStrange,  Pal.  under  the  Moslems,  p.  22. 

»  Ibid. 

"  Makrisi  in  Quatremere,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  i.  p.  244,  note. 

'  Ludolphus  of  Sudheim  in  Rev.  del'Or.  Lat..  Vol.  11,  ])p.  ,564-5. 

*  Makrisi  in  Quatremere,  Vol.  II,  Pt.  2,  \).  180. 

^  Ludolphus  of  Sudheim  in  Arch,  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  p.  364. 

'"  Makrisi  in  Quatremere,  Vol.  II,  Pt.  2,  p.  72  et  seq.,  footnote. 


34 

or  linen  over  a  red  shirt.'  When  we  take  into  con- 
sideration all  these  different  costumes  and  add  thereto 
the  less  striking  dress  of  the  western  Crusader  and  the 
costume  of  the  men  of  the  various  religious  orders, 
the  effect  must  have  been  picturesque,  and  we  see 
that  the  garments,  as  well  as  the  people  in  the  Holy 
Land  during  this  period,  were  varied. 


'  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatxior,  ]■>.  90. 


CHAPTER   III. 
The  Land  and  the  People. 

The  lordship  of  the  land  was  held  for  the  most  part 
by  the  Franks,  during  their  period  of  domination  in 
Syria,  as  it  had  been  by  the  successive  conquerors  in 
the  years  before  that  time.  The  most  daring  of  the 
westerners  carved  out  their  own  fortunes,  and  wrenched 
the  property  from  the  unfortunate  eastern  holders. 
Later  the  king,  as  a  reward  to  his  faithful  followers 
from  the  west,  granted  larger  or  smaller  tracts,  accord- 
ing to  the  deserts  or  power  of  the  lord.  As  time  went 
on,  monasteries,  churches,  and  hospitals,  as  well  as  the 
king  and  powerful  lords,  came  into  possession  of  land 
through  gift,  sale,  exchange,  or  perpetual  rent.'  While 
the  men  from  the  west  were  the  main  landlords,  yet 
mention  is  made  of  Arabs  and  Syrians  as  such.- 

The  men  who  held  the  casalia,  as  fiefs,  made  various 
returns  to  their  overlords.  These  overlords  were 
usually  the  king,  or  those  who  were  almost  his  equals 
in  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  the  holders  of  the  great 
baronies,  and  the  religious  orders.  One  very  common 
return  was  that  of  military  service,  given  either  for 
regular  or  special  duty,  whenever  the  war  with  the 
Saracens  threatened.^  A  second  kind  of  return  con- 
sisted in  a  money  payment  made  each  year.*  Some- 
times this  seems  to  have  been  a  payment  in  proportion 


'  Strehlke.      Tab.  ord.  Thcut.,  No.  112. 

^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  299.  Cart,  de  S.  Laz.  in  Arch,  de  I'Or. 
Lat.,  Vol.  II,  Charles,  p.  124.    Strehlke,  Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  128. 
'  Ibid.,  Nos.  4  and  10.    Paoli.  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CXXVIII. 
^  Inv.  de  Pieces  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  Ill,  Nos.  173  and  310. 

(35) 


36 

to  the  number  of  ploughlands  cultivated,  and  from 
which  returns  were  obtainable.'  The  third,  and  pos- 
sibly the  most  common  method  of  payment,  was  the 
return  of  a  percentage  of  the  crops,  not  only  of  wheat 
and  barley,  but  also  from  the  vines  and  trees. ^  If 
payment  ceased,  the  land  reverted  to  the  lord,  who 
had  the  right  to  lease  to  some  one  else.^ 

Beside  these  payments  to  the  overlords,  these  same 
landlords  had  one  great  tax  which  must  have  been 
burdensome  to  them,  and  that  was  the  tithe  to  the 
church.  This  latter  institution  in  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem  seemed  desirous  of  showing  her  entire  power 
in  this  country,  which  she  considered  peculiarly  her 
own,  as  well  as  of  obtaining  all  the  wealth  possible 
for  the  maintenance  of  that  power.  And  so,  numerous 
are  the  charters  found,  granting  these  tithes,  con- 
firming those  already  granted,  as  well  as  others 
regranting  parts  of  these  tithes  by  the  church  to 
others.  This  percentage  for  the  church  seems  to  have 
been  levied  on  everything  possible,  as  for  instance,  on 
vines  and  trees,  goats  and  bees.  Even  on  the  poll  tax 
of  the  villani,  the  lord  paid  his  tenth  to  the  church, 
as  well  as  on  the  oil  of  his  villani.  On  his  own  oil,  too, 
he  was  obliged  to  give  his  tithe. ^  And  the  carrying  of 
all  this,  when  it  consisted  of  produce,  must  also  be 
done  by  the  lord  who  owed  it,  and  not  by  the  church. 
When  the  church  itself  held  the  casalia,  and  the 
monks  performed  the  labor  in  place  of  the  villani,^ 


1  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  II,  No.  2Q34,  p.  SSi. 
^  Roziere.     Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  81. 

'  Chartes  de  I'abbax-e   .    .   .  Josaphat  /;;  Rc\-.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  181. 

*  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Thcut.,  No.  112. 

*  Ibid.,  No.  112.    Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .   .   .   de  Jusaphat  i)i  Rev. 
del'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  VII.  p.  124. 


37 

the  same  proportion  was  sometimes  demanded,  while 
in  other  cases  payment  of  tithes  from  the  work  of  the 
monks  was  forbidden.'  Exemption  from  these  tithes 
was  granted  by  the  church  to  the  Hospital,  and  to  a 
few  others.  = 

The  overlords  also  granted  to  these  landlords  mills 
for  grinding  the  grain  raised  in  the  district  where  the 
mill  was  situated.  Two  kinds  of  mills  are  mentioned, 
those  run  by  water, ^  and  those  by  horse  power.* 
These  mills  also  differed  in  size,  some  having  one, 
some  two,  some  three  stones  for  grinding.^  They  do 
not  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the  c  as  alia,  although 
sometimes  found  in  connection  with  them.'  Usually, 
however,  they  were  located  at  some  suitable  place 
near  a  stream,  or  in  the  cities  or  villages.  The  right 
to  have  a  mi  IP  seems  to  have  been  a  grant,  the  same 
as  a  casale,  and  the  right  of  grinding  the  grain  at  a 
certain  place  was  also  given  by  the  same  man.* 

The  sugar  mills,  too,  seem  to  have  been  held  by  this 
same  class  of  landlords,  who  made  returns  to  their 
overlords  in  produce  or  money.  In  one  instance  the 
return  from  one  mill  was  one-half  a  quintalef  in 
another  it  consisted  of  one-fifteenth  of  the  value  of  the 
returns  from  the  sugar  as  estimated  by  "good  men," 


'  Ibid.,  p.  13S. 

■  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  202,  p.  155. 

^  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  665. 

*  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .  .  .  de  Josaphat  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat., 
Vol.  VII,  p.  166. 

5  Paoli.  (Giunta  al)  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  \o.  VI.  Rohricht. 
Regesta,  No.  11 14. 

"  Strehlke.      Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  Xo.  i. 

"  Paoli.     St.  Giambattista,  Pt.  IV,  No.  II. 

'  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  225,  p.  172. 

'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  425. 


38 

but  paid  in  \Yheat  and  barley.'  In  one  case,  which 
seems  rather  unusual,  the  entire  products  of  the  mill, 
together  with  the  right  of  selling  the  refined  sugar 
freely  in  Acre,  was  granted  by  the  king  without 
recompense.^ 

The  ovens  which  we  find  mentioned  in  the  charters 
are  distinguished  from  the  casalia  as  were  the  mills. 
These  seem  again  to  have  been  a  special  grant  or 
included  in  a  larger  one,  but  not  belonging  necessarily 
to  the  casalia.^  The  landlords  who  held  these  ovens 
returned  a  percentage  of  the  bakings  to  their  overlords. 
So  in  a  charter  of  the  twelfth  century,  every  fifteenth 
loaf  of  bread  baked  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  casale 
by  the  holders,  was  returned  to  the  king,  and  every 
tenth  loaf  from  those  not  of  the  casale,  who  brought 
bread  to  this  same  oven  to  be  baked."  Sometimes 
exemption  from  this  percentage  was  granted.^ 

The  landlords,  who  thus  paid  a  percentage  on  their 
holdings,  do  not  seem  to  have  lived  on  the  casalia, 
since  we  find  no  mention  of  manor  houses.  So,  too, 
there  is  a  corresponding  lack  of  mention  of  demesne 
land,  so  usual  in  the  western  charters."  Not  only 
negative  supposition  from  silence  concerning  demesne 
land,  but  positive  proof  of  this  lack  is  found  in  the 
charters  where  a  certain  number  of  ploughlands  are 
mentioned  as  belonging  to  a  casale,  followed  by  a  list 


'  Strehlke.      Tab.  ord.  Thcut.,  No.  112. 

2  Ibid.,  No.  18. 

'  Delavillele  Roulx.      Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  4S4.  ]>.  ,:;33. 

*  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theiit.,  No.  i. 

•'  Roziere.     Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  92. 

'The  ''common"  of  the  lord  (commune  domini)  was  proljably 
the  demesne  land,  Init  mentioned  very  seldom,  and  with  hardly 
the  same  signification  which  it  had  in  the  west.  I)i-la\illc  Ic  Roul.x. 
Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  480,  p.  330. 


39 

of  the  villani  holding  these,  and  showing  no  kind  left 
over  for  the  lord.* 

But  the  lord,  although  not  present  in  person  on  the 
casale,  yet  had  his  representative,  called  the  prae- 
positus  casalis,  caput  casalis,  or  gastaldio^  It  was  his 
duty  to  see  that  the  proper  returns  in  kind  and  specie 
were  made  to  the  lord,  and  for  his  management  he 
was  rewarded  by  an  extra  holding.'  This  man  was 
evidently  chosen  in  accordance  with  his  fitness  for  the 
work,  and  not  selected  from  any  especial  race.  In  the 
case  of  a  holding  of  the  Teutonic  Order,  the  overseer 
was  one  of  their  own  number,  whom  they  called 
" bajidus.'"*  In  another  case  the  overseer  was  a 
Moslem,  who  showed  the  hospitality  of  the  casale  to 
the  people  of  a  passing  caravan,  inviting  them  to 
dinner,  and  lodging  them  afterwards  in  a  small  gallery 
in  his  house. •'^  This  overseer,  by  whatever  title  called, 
must  have  been  the  most  important  man  in  the  little 
hamlet,  made  such  by  representing  there  the  power  of 
the  lord,  as  well  as  by  the  dignity  of  station  resulting 
from  the  extra  holding. 

To  the  inhabitants  of  the  casale  two  names  are 
applied  with  apparently  no  distinction  in  meaning, 
villani  and  rnstici.  If  any  distinction  whatever  is  to 
be  discerned,  it  might  possibly  be  that  the  villani  could 
apply  not  only  to  Syrians,  Saracens,  Armenians,  but 
also  to  Franks  of  that  rank  as  well,  while  rnstici  would 
apply  only  to  the  natives,  with  which  word  rnstici  is 
sometimes  found. 


'  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Atis.,  Vol.  XIII.  ]).  3S4. 

-  Ibid.,  pp.  371,  380. 

Mbid.,p.  3S4. 

■*  Strehlke.      Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  89. 

^  Ibn  Djobfir  in  Rec.  Croisades  Or..  Vol.  III.  \>.  449. 


40 

The  homoliges  formed  a  separate  class  of  rustici. 
They  were  not  found  on  all  of  the  casalia,  nor  was  their 
proportion  to  the  villani  and  the  number  of  plough- 
lands  the  same.  In  a  casale  of  fourteen  ploughlands, 
there  were  five  homoliges;  in  another  of  ten  plough- 
lands  there  were  six.'  Just  what  was  their  status,  or 
why  they  were  called  liege  men,  the  charters  give  us 
no  means  to  decide.  But  in  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem,^ 
we  find  that  in  each  seigneury  the  lord  must  hold  court 
with  three  liege  men.  So  that  although  they  were  not 
to  be  found  on  every  casale,  yet  there  would  be  a 
sufficient  number  for  the  holding  of  the  assizes  in  the 
district  where  the  court  must  convene.  So  it  is  pos- 
sible that  their  duties  were  legal.  These  men  are 
called  rustici  and  show  their  origin  in  their  Oriental 
names.'  If  their  duties  were  legal,  this  and  the  fact 
that  they  were  of  eastern  origin  would  help  to  bear 
out  the  truth  of  the  statement  met  with  so  often,  that 
the  men  were  ruled  by  the  laws  of  the  nation  to  which 
they  belonged  and  tried  in  similar  courts.* 

Although  for  the  most  part  the  inhabitants  of  the 
casalia  were  easterners,  yet  western  names  as  well  are 
found  occasionally.^  In  one  instance*  land  was  granted 
within  a  casale  to  certain  western  men,  for  the  purpose 
of  erecting  houses.  No  rent  was  to  be  charged  on  the 
houses  thus  built  nor  on  the  land,  but  only  the  usual 
percentage  of  fruits  and  crops  from  the  land  under 
cultivation.     The  charter  reads  as  though  the  things 


'  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  378. 

-  Beugnot.     Lois,  Vol.  I,  No.  CCLIII,  p.  405. 

'  Tafel-Thomas  t'n  Fon.  Rer.  Aus..  Vol.  XIII.  p.  376. 

■*  Beugnot.      Lois,  Vol.  I,  introduction. 

'  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  281. 

'  Ro'/Acre.     Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  136. 


41 


offered  were  to  be  considered  in  the  light  of  special 
inducements  for  the  men  to  settle  there.  But  whether 
this  was  because  of  their  desirability  as  tenants  because 
they  were  Franks,  or  because  of  their  individual 
qualities,  would  be  hard  to  determine  from  the  charter 
itself.  But  from  the  fact  that  so  many  easterners 
cultivated  the  land  in  a  manner  apparently  satisfactory 
to  their  lords,  the  probability  seems  to  rest  with  per- 
sonal excellence  rather  than  race. 

Usually  this  peasant  class  come  before  us  in  the 
charters  as  cultivators  of  vineyards'  and  olive  groves, 
and  laborers  on  the  cultivated  land.^  In  the  time  of 
need  the}^  became  soldiers.^  Some  of  them  apparently 
had  wealth  enough  to  call  for  special  notice.*  Occa- 
sionally they  appear  to  act  as  a  body  in  an  attempt 
to  gain  a  point  which  w^ould  be  advantageous  to  them 
as  a  whole. ^ 

The  villani  living  in  a  casale  usually  cultivated  the 
land  belonging  to  that  casale  and  lying  adjacent  to  it. 
In  some  cases  this  grew  into  a  law  forbidding  any 
peasant  to  depart  to  another  casale,'^  and  so  we  find 
the  courts  of  the  different  lords  taking  the  matter  up, 
and  laws  between  the  different  parts  of  the  kingdom 
came  into  existence  for  the  return  of  fugitive  villani.'' 
Yet  in  spite  of  these  laws  we  find  constant  mention  in 
the  charters  of  certain  peasants  being  retained  from 


'  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  381  et  seq. 
^  Ricardus  Canonicus.       Itin.  Rich.  I.  in  R.  S.,  Vol.  38.  i,  Bk.  I, 
Ch.  XVIII. 

'  Villehardouin.      Conquete,  etc.,  Vol.  II,  p.  410. 

*  Rohricht.     Regesta,  No.  57. 

'  Delaborde.     Chartes  de   Notre   Dame  .   .   .  de  Josaphat,    No. 
XXVI. 

•  Quatre  Titres  m  Arch.  del'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  Chartes  .  .  .  ,  p.  22S. 
'  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  LXXVII. 


42 

a  casale  at  the  time  of  its  change  of  holders.  And  not 
only  this,  but  they  were  deliberatel}^  transferred  to 
other  casalia  of  the  lord,  or  even  dismissed.'  So,  too, 
rarely  they  are  found  living  in  one  casale,  and  culti- 
vating the  fields  belonging  to  another.^ 

The  men  who  held  the  casalia  from  the  king,  the 
powerful  barons,  or  the  great  religious  orders,  as  was 
stated  above,  probably  did  not  reside  on  them.  The 
money  and  produce  with  which  they  paid  the  king  or 
other  overlord  for  their  holdings,  they  in  turn  extracted 
from  the  real  cultivators  of  the  soil.  The  most  normal 
holding  for  these  cultivators  seems  to  have  been  one 
ploughland  each,^  and  the  most  usual  sort  of  payment 
for  this  w^as  a  percentage  on  the  crop  raised.  The 
returns  from  the  different  products  differed  slightly  in 
the  different  casalia,  or  in  the  holdings  from  different 
overlords.  In  the  case  of  the  returns  from  the  vines, 
the  percentage  was  quite  often  one-half,^  yet  from 
others  held  by  the  \"enetian  commune,  the  return*  was 
one-third.'  In  another  case,  a  quarter  was  demanded.' 
In  still  another  a  modest  seventh  only  was  asked.' 
Grants  also  to  plant  vines,  which  would  in  the  future 
yield  a  certain  per  cent,  were  not  uncommon.*  Vines 
were  widely  cultivated  for  wines  during  the  Frankish 
occupation  of  the  land,  and  were  apparently  abundant 


'  Strehlke.      Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  83;    and  Rohricht,  Rcgesta, 
No.  121. 

2  Ibid.,  No.  859. 

'  Bcugnot.     Lois,  Vol.  II,  p.  510,  Chartes,  No.  28. 

*  Rozi^re.     Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  81.    Rohricht,  Regesta,  No.  269. 

^  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII.  p.  374. 

'  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  491,  p.  337. 

'  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  i. 
Chartes  de  I'abbaye   .   .   .  dc  Josaj^hat  in    Rev.   de  I'Or.   Lat., 
Vol.  VII,  p.  140. 


43 

throughout  the  entire  kingdom."  The  usual  vintage 
was  in  the  fall,^  but  one  of  the  travelers  gives  an 
account  of  one  place  where  by  careful  training,  not  one 
but  three  vintages  were  obtained.' 

About  the  same  percentage  was  received  from  the 
peasants  also  on  the  fruits'  and  olives.  From  fifteen 
to  twenty  olive  trees  were  planted  on  a  piece  of  land 
of  a  size  ploughed  by  a  pair  of  oxen  in  one  day.^ 

Canamella,  or  sugar  cane,  also  paid  the  usual  one- 
third  from  the  cultivators."  This  cane  is  described  by 
a  traveler  as  larger  than  the  common  cane,'  and 
evidently  required  for  its  cultivation  a  very  moist  soil.* 
It  was  planted  in  the  fall.  When  ready  for  the  mill 
it  was  porous,  containing  within  its  tubelike  stem  a 
moist  substance.  The  cane  after  being  cut  in  pieces 
was  ground  in  the  mill;  the  semifluid  expressed  from 
it  was  boiled  down  and  poured  into  receptacles.  This 
was  known  as  honey ;  the  residue  was  dried  and 
became  sugar.*  The  one-third  mentioned  above  was 
probably  on  the  cane  as  it  stood  in  the  field,  and  not 
on  the  refined  honey  or  sugar. 

The  land  under  cultivation  for  grain  paid  a  certain 
amount  from  each  ploughland  of  the  villamts  to  his 
lord,  rather  than  a  varying  percentage,  as  was  the 
case  with  the  vines  and  trees.     The  usual  tax  seems 


'  Burchard  of  Mt.    Sion   iu    Laurent.    Per.    Med.    Acvi   Quatuor, 
PP-  34,  39.  45-  88,  etc. 

2  Baldric  of  Dole  in  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  IV,  Ch.  VI,  p.  94. 

'  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor,  p.  88. 

*  Roziere.      Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  81. 

^  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  380. 

«  Ibid.,  p.  369. 

'  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor,  p.  87. 

'  Ludolphus  of  Sudheim  i)i  Rev.  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  p.  365. 

"  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  /;;  Laurent.  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor,  p.  88. 


44 

to  have  been  a  modiiis  of  wheat  and  one  of  barley, 
besides  two  manipuli  of  each  at  the  harvest  time.' 
The  lord  furnished  the  seed  for  the  sowing,  and  in 
return  for  this  the  peasants  returned  one  chicken  for 
each  ploughland.^ 

Money  was  also  accepted  in  lieu  of  remittances  in 
kind,  but  was  not  nearly  so  common  as  a  portion  of 
the  crops.  Sometimes  this  payment  was  a  regular 
fixed  sum,  again  it  appears  as  dependent  upon  the 
crop  of  the  year.^  The  "free"  ploughland,  of  which 
we  find  occasional  mention  in  the  charters,  seems  to 
have  been  free  from  the  returns  of  produce  by  the 
laborers,  requiring  evidently  a  money  payment  rather 
than  a  payment  in  kind.* 

One  duty  resting  upon  the  c  as  ale  as  a  whole  was  the 
providing  of  refreshment  for  the  king  or  lord,  with  his 
attendants,  if  they  came  through  the  hamlet.^ 

The  personal  service  in  the  field,  which  is  met  with 
so  constanth"  in  the  west,  appears  in  the  east  with 
little  prominence.  It  is  probable  that  the  absence  of 
the  lord  from  the  casale,  the  lack  of  demesne  land, 
the  fact  that,  to  a  great  extent,  products  for  export, 
and  not  for  immediate  home  consumption,  were  culti- 
vated here — all  of  these  things  help  to  account  for  the 
small  amount  of  personal  service  required.  When 
found  it  is  usually  in  connection  with  the  rnstici 
holding  directly  from  the  king,  or  those  on  land  held 
by  the  Venetian  Commune,  where  the  amount  of  labor 


'  Delaville  le  Roulx.      Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  4S0.  p.  330. 

-  Tafel-Thomas  in  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  374. 

^  Chartes  de  I'abbave  .  .  .  Josaphat  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  121. 

*  Rohricht.  Regesta,  No.  615,  "besantioruin  quos  dc  liberis 
carrucis  rex  accipere  solet." 

^  Delaville  le  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  4S0,  p.  331. 


45 

demanded  seems  to  have  been  one  day  per  year.'  In 
what  this  service  consisted  we  are  not  told,  yet  in 
some  instances  it  appears  as  though  it  might  have 
been,  not  work  in  the  fields,  but  in  fishing.^  Even 
without  direct  evidence,  when  we  find  grants  of  five 
hundred  pounds  of  fish  and  one  thousand  eels  given 
to  the  abbey  from  the  lord's  fish  pond,'  the  supposition 
naturally  arises  that  these  fishes  were  probably  caught 
by  the  villa tii  of  that  lord.  The  villani  are  also  found 
working  in  the  sugar  mills/  In  the  case  of  the  one- 
third  of  the  cane  demanded  by  one  lord,  if  the  sup- 
position is  correct  that  it  represented  the  unrefined 
cane,  then  the  holder  may  have  had  a  mill  for  the 
refining  of  this,  where  his  villani  could  have  worked 
for  him.^  Besides  these  payments  in  produce  and 
labor,  there  was  also  a  poll  tax  collected  by  the  lord 
from  his  peasants.' 

The  service  of  a  scribe  and  a  translator  is  found  also 
as  a  service  distinct  from  any  use  in  the  west.  They 
seem  to  be  distinctly  different  persons,  the  latter  giving 
the  translated  customs  to  the  casale  from  the  Prankish 
landlord.'' 

Besides  the  other  payments  demanded  from  the 
peasant,  he  too  came  in  for  his  share  of  the  tithes  to 
the  church.'     The  carrying  of  this  produce  was  also 


'  Tafel-Thomas  i}i  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  375. 

^  Ibid.,  and  Roziere,  Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  124. 

'  Delaborde.  Chartes  .  .  .  de  Notre  Daine  de  Josaphat,  No.  IV, 
Delaville  le,  Roulx.     Cart.,  Vol.  II,  p.  91 1 ;   app.  No.  XXII. 

^  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut..  No.  34. 

5  Tafel-Thomas  w  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  p.  369. 

"  Rohricht.      Regesta,  No.  ir8. 

Mbid.,  No.  545.  Strehlke,  Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  16,  Delaville 
le  Roulx,  Cart.,  Vol.  I,  No.  480,  p.  330. 

^  In  a  charter  of  1198  of  Anialricus,  king  of   Jerusalem,  to  the 


46 

done  by  the  villani,  and  not  by  the  receivers  of  the 
goods.'  Sometimes  a  loaf  of  bread  was  given  to  the 
villanus  who  brought  his  tithe. ^ 

Special  gifts  were  also  offered  by  the  peasants  to 
their  lords.  On  three  stated  days,  Christmas,  Septua- 
gesima  Sunday  and  Easter,  for  each  ploughland  held, 
the  peasant  returned  one  chicken,  ten  eggs,  half  a  roll 
of  fresh  cheese,  together  with  twelve  besants  for  a 
sahna  of  wood.^ 

The  houses  of  the  casale  seem  to  have  been  congre- 
gated together,  probably  in  the  center  of  the  land  com- 
prising the  casale,  and  were  doubtless  transferred  from 
holder  to  holder  when  certain  lands  of  the  casale  were 
transferred.^  Little  mention  is  made  of  the  accommo- 
dations for  the  common  people,  except  in  case  of  the 
Bedouins,  who  are  always  mentioned  as  dwelling  in 
tents.^  But  since  the  travelers  tell  us  that  they  are 
wretchedly  clad,  we  can  easily  imagine  that  their 
homes  were,  for  the  most  part,  poor  and  miserable." 

In  the  cultivated  land  there  seems  to  have  been  a 


Hospital  at  Jerusalem,  we  find  the  king  granting  from  each  villamis 
laboring  in  the  sugar  mill,  one  roll  of  sugar  each  year;  from  each 
ploughland  of  cultivated  land,  one  clicha  of  wheat,  and  one  of 
barley;  from  each  hundred  goats  Avintering  in  his  land,  five  car- 
rublae  from  each  villanus;  for  every  ten  goats  for  which  the  king- 
ought  to  have  ten  carriiblae,  the  Hospital  to  have  annually  two 
on  the  part  of  each  peasant;  and  finally  from  every  ploughland 
yielding  the  lord  two  besants,  the  Hospital  was  to  receive  three 
carrublae  from  each  peasant.  Strehlke,  Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  34. 
Ibid.,  No.  112.     Paoli,  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  XCVII. 

'  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Thcut.,  No.  15. 

^  Ibid.,  No.  1 12. 

■■' Tafcl-Thomas  /;;  Fon.  Rer.  Aus.,  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  371,  372. 
374.  381. 

^  Inv.  de  Pieces  in  Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  Ill,  No.  223. 

^  Burchard  of  Mt.  Sion  in  Laurent,  Per.  Med.  Aevi  Quatuor.  ]>.  So. 

«  Ibid. 


47 

succession  of  crops.  The  land  sowed  this  year  with 
wheat  or  barley  would  next  year  produce  beans  and 
peas.  Nine  luodii  of  wheat  or  barley  could  be  sowed 
in  each  ploughland,  and  the  next  year  one  modiiis  of 
beans  and  peas  could  be  planted  in  the  same  amount  of 
ground.'  The  grain  thus  sowed  was  ready  for  cutting 
in  April. ^  The  raising  of  grain  was  by  no  means 
restricted  to  the  Christian  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  since 
wheat  and  barley  had  been  grown  under  the  olive  trees 
there  before  the  advent  of  the  western  Crusaders.' 

Early  in  the  twelfth  century  the  king  granted  to  the 
men  of  all  nations,  the  Syrian  as  well  as  the  Christian, 
the  privilege  of  carrying  grains  and  other  produce  into 
the  city  of  Jerusalem  without  taxation.*  So  these  men 
were  early  allowed  to  carry  their  produce  freely  to  the 
markets.  Besides  the  amount  of  grain  sold  by  the 
peasants  there  must  have  been  some  withheld  for  the 
use  of  themselves  and  their  families.  The  bread  used 
b}'  the  inhabitants  of  the  casale  was  doubtless  baked 
in  the  primitive  ovens  which  they  dug  in  the  ground. 
"These,"  says  a  writer^  of  the  tenth  century,  "are 
small  and  used  for  baking  bread  .  .  .  they  line  them 
with  pebbles,  and  kindling  the  fire  of  dried  dung, 
within  and  above,    thev  afterwards  remoA'e   the   hot 


'  Tafel-Thonias  /;;  Fon.  Rer.  Aus..  \''ol.  XIII,  p.  374. 

-  Baldric  of  Dole  iyi  Rec.  Oc,  Vol.  IV,  p.  94. 

^  Gesta  Franc,  in  Rec.  Oc.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  507. 

*Wm.  of  Tvre,  Bk.  XII,  Ch.  XV.  Roziere,  Cart,  dvi  S.  Sep., 
No.  45- 

*  Mukaddasi  in  LeStrange,  Pal.  under  the  Moslems,  p.  23.  In  a 
charter  for  1 1 7  7  two  casalia  were  granted  for  furnishing  white 
bread  to  the  monks.  But  the  actual  baking  is  not  here  required, 
only  the  grain  from  the  two  casalia,  for  if  this  wheat  proved  unsat- 
isfactory it  was  to  be  exchanged  measure  for  measure  for  good 
grain  from  the  granary  of  the  Hospital.  Dclaville  Ic  Roulx,  Les 
Arch.,  No.  XXXVIII.' 


48 

ashes  and  place  the  loaves  of  bread  to  bake  upon  these 
pebbles,  when  they  have  become  thus  red-hot." 

The  Bedouins  were  the  most  usual  guardians  of  the 
flocks,  which  were  in  some  cases  large,  consisting  of 
camels,  cattle,  sheep  and  goats.*  The  villani,  aside 
from  the  Bedouins,  as  a  whole  did  not  keep  large 
flocks,  but  those  which  we  find  mentioned  seem  to 
have  been  pastured  in  their  gardens  and  fields,  and  in 
the  common  wood,  where  there  was  apparently  no  tax 
for  their  maintenance. - 

In  the  case  of  meadow  land,  the  hay  resulting  from 
it  was  to  be  cut  by  the  lord  holding  the  land,  payment 
of  one-half  of  the  hay  was  to  be  given  to  the  overlord.^ 
In  this  transaction  the  peasants  seem  to  have  had  no 
share.  Their  lack  of  possession  of  meadow  land  and 
hay  can  be  attributed  in  the  east  to  the  climate,  where 
hay  was  scarcely  necessary,  since  the  flocks  could 
easily  find  food  all  winter  directly  from  the  land.  So 
too  the  fishery  rights  appear  to  have  been  granted  by 
the  kings  and  barons  to  the  men  holding  from  them.* 
Oftentimes  this  included  a  right  to  have  a  boat  on  the 
stream  or  lake.^  These  rights  too  seem  not  to  have 
been,  so  far  as  can  be  seen  from  the  charters,  extended 
to  the  peasants.  Salt,  too,  which  must  have  been 
found  in  the  land,  is  sometimes  required  in  part  pay- 
ment for  a  holding."     Once  another  grant  comes  up  in 


1  Albertus  Aquensis  XII,   Ch.   XXXI    (p.   710  in   Rec.   Cr.   Oc, 
Vol.  IV). 

2  Chartes   .   .   .   de    Dampierre   in    Arch,    de   I'Or.    Lat.,   Vol.    II, 
Chartes,  p.  192. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  203. 

<  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No.  XXIII. 
5  Strchlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  9. 

«  Chartes  de  I'abbaye  .   .   .  de  Josaphat  in   Rev.  de  I'Or.  Lat., 
Vol.  VII,  p.  116. 


49 

the  charters,  this  time  exclusively  for  the  peasant 
class — the  right  of  collecting  from  the  shores  of  the 
Dead  Sea  the  bitumen,  called  by  them  cathrans,  found 
there.' 

The  value  of  the  products  from  the  territory  occupied 
in  the  east  by  the  Franks  was  by  no  means  equal  in  all 
parts.  The  vines  near  Jerusalem  were  noted,-  and 
here  abounded  also  olive  trees  and  figs.  In  Hebron 
barley,  which  had  been  rare  in  that  district  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Crusaders,^  became  common  as  well  as 
the  wheat. ^  The  fullest  account  of  the  products  of 
the  land  is  given  by  an  Arab  writer,  a  century  previous 
to  the  time  of  the  occupation  of  the  land  by  the  Franks. 
"Unequaled,"  said  he,^  "is  this  land  of  Syria  for  its 
dried  figs,  its  common  olive  oil,  its  white  bread  and  the 
Ramleh  veils ;  also  for  the  quinces,  the  pine-nuts  called 
'  Kuraish-bite,'  the  'i\inuni  and  Duri  raisins,  the  Theri- 
ack-antidote,  the  herb  of  mint,  and  the  rosaries  of 
Jerusalem.  And  further  know  that  within  the  prov- 
ince of  Palestine  may  be  found  gathered  together  six- 
and-thirt}''  products  that  are  not  found  thus  united  in 
any  other  land.  Of  these  the  first  seven  are  found  in 
Palestine  alone ;  the  following  seven  are  very  rare 
in  other  countries ;  and  the  remaining  two-and-twenty, 
though  only  found  thus  gathered  in  this  province,  are, 
for  the  most  part,  found  one  and  another,  singly,  in 
other  lands.  Now  the  first  seven  are  the  pine-nuts, 
called  'Kuraish-bite,'  the  quince  or  Cydonian  apple, 
the  'Ainuni  and  the  Duri  raisins,  the  Kafuri  plum,  the 


'  Roziere.     Cart,  du  S.  Sep.,  No.  ^^. 

''  Abbot  Daniel  in  Pil.  Text  Soc,  Vol.  IV,  p.  26. 

'  Nasir-i-Khusrau,  in  Pil.  Text  Soc.,  Vol.  IV.  p.  57. 

*  Abbot  Daniel  in  Pil.  Text  Soc,  Vol.  IV,  p.  26. 

^  Mukaddasi  in  LeStrange,  Pal.  under  the  Moslems,  p.  16. 


fig  called  As  Saba'i,  and  the  fig  of  Damascus.  The 
next  seven  are  the  Colocasia,  or  water  lily,  the  syca- 
more, the  carob  or  St.  John's  bread  (locust-tree),  the 
lotus  fruit  or  jujube,  the  artichoke,  the  sugar-cane, 
and  the  Syrian  apple.  And  the  remaining  twenty-two 
are  the  fresh  dates  and  olives,  the  shaddock,  the  indigo 
and  juniper,  the  orange,'  the  mandrake,  the  Nabk 
fruit,  the  nut,  the  almond,  the  asparagus,  the  banana, 
the  sumach,  the  cabbage,  the  truffle,  the  lupin,  the 
early  prune  called  At  Tari;  also  snow,  buffalo-milk, 
the  honey-comb,  the  'Asimi  grape,  and  the  Tamri,  or 
date-fig.  Further,  there  is  the  preserve  called  Kub- 
bait;  you  find,  in  truth,  the  like  of  it  in  name  else- 
where, but  of  a  different  flavor.  The  lettuce  also, 
which  everywhere  else,  except  only  at  Ahwaz  (Persia), 
is  counted  as  a  common  vegetable,  is  here  in  Palestine 
a  choice  dish.  However,  at  Basrah,  too,  it  is  held 
superior  to  the  more  common  vegetables." 

The  produce,  aside  from  grain  and  vegetables,  which 
was  carried  into  the  cities,  whether  by  the  lords  or 
peasants,  seems  to  have  been  taxed,  and  in  the  Assizes 
of  Jerusalem  full  lists  are  given  of  dutiable  articles." 
Butter,  cheese,  nuts,  olives,  oil,  apples,  pears,  straw 
for  the  weaving  of  baskets — on  all  these  things  a 
proportion  was  paid  to  the  Fiinda  or  bourse.  Freedom 
from  duties  is  found,  however,  in  special  places  and 
under  certain  lords. ^ 


*  Mas'  udi  in  LeStrange,  Pal.  under  the  Moslems,  p.  i;.  "The 
orange  tree  and  the  tree  bearing  the  round  citron  have  been  brought 
from  India  since  the  year  300  A.  H.  (912  A.  D.")  and  were  first 
planted  in  'Om^n.  Thence  they  were  carried  by  carawins  from 
Al  Basrah  into  'Irak  and  Syria." 

"  Beugnot.      Lois,  Vol.  II,  p.  178  et  seq. 

^  Rohricht.  Regcsta,  No.  212.  Paoli.  Cod.  Dip.,  Vol.  I,  No. 
LXXVII. 


51 

The  customs  on  the  special  casalia  seem  to  have 
differed  with  the  different  overlords,  holdings  and 
individual  casalia.  In  few  instances  have  these  been 
preserved.  Only  where  some  dispute  has  arisen,  or 
something  demanding  particular  attention,  do  these 
laws  come  before  us.  These  laws  for  the  government 
of  the  casale  are  included  in  a  charter  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  are  there  called  the 
laws  of  Driigonianagie,  or  of  the  interpreter.'  Besides 
these  laws,  most  of  which  have  been  given  above, ^  the 
following  obligations  also  are  mentioned :  Portagium, 
which  probably  consisted  in  the  carrying  of  the  tithes 
mentioned  above  at  the  time  of  their  payment ;  scriba- 
nagiiiiu,  the  duty  of  the  writer  also  spoken  of  before; 
mensuragimn,  gardagium,  herbarum  ad  areas,  scenequie.^ 
It  may  be  that  these  last  four  are  part  of  the  personal 
service  owed  by  the  villanus  to  his  lord.  The  peasants 
are  also  commanded  to  be  obedient  to  their  lords.  ^ 
These  are  about  the  only  purely  internal  laws  for  the 
casale  which  are  available.  The  more  general  laws  for 
the  life  of  the  casale,  both  external  and  internal,  are 
found  in  the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem. 

There  were  in  the  Christian  dominion  in  Syria  two 
courts,  the  High  and  Bourgeois.^  The  former  was 
presided  over  by  the  king,  and  held  for  his  liege  men. 
The  latter'  was  presided  over  by  a  viscount,  who  rep- 
resented the  king's  power.     Each  nation  was  governed 


1  Ibid.,  No.  CCIII.     Same  in   Delaville  le  Roulx,  Cart.,  Vol.  I, 
No.  480,  p.  330. 
^  See  pp.  44-46. 

'  Strehlke.     Tab.  ord.  Theut.,  No.  112. 
*  Paoli.     Cod.  Dip..  Vol.  I,  No.  CXXIV. 
•'  Beugnot.      Lois,  Vol.  I,  Ch.  II,  p.  23. 
«  Ibid. 


52 

by  its  own  laws  in  things  belonging  peculiarly  to  itself. 
While  the  Bourgeois  court  was  primarily  intended  for 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  many  of  its  laws  extended 
to  the  villaniis  and  his  relation  to  the  land  and  to  his 
lord.  The  men  were  expected  to  plead  their  cases 
concerning  lands  or  vines  in  the  court  held  in  the 
district  where  these  things  were. '  If  a  villanus  married 
without  leave  a  strange  villana,  the  lord  of  the  villanus 
returned,  to  the  lord  of  the  villana,  another  villana  of 
equal  age.  If  the  villanus  should  die,  the  lord  of  the 
villanus  ought  to  have  his  exchange  which  he  has  given 
to  the  other  lord,  if  the  villana  returned  to  the  latter.^ 
If  a  villanus  left  or  fled  and  was  returned,  the  lord  of 
the  one  returned  ought  to  pay  two  besants  each  to 
those  who  aided  in  his  return.'  And  not  only  these 
laws  existed  for  the  return  of  fugitive  villani  between 
landlords*  and  casalia,  but  between  the  different  parts 
of  the  kingdom.^  The  right  to  marry  seems  also  to 
have  been  taxable  as  in  the  west.' 

The  slaves  met  with  in  the  western  charters  do  not 
appear  in  the  farming  districts  in  the  east.  Pure 
slavery  seems  to  have  existed  in  the  towns  and  for 
personal  service  rather  than  for  duties  in  the  country, 
where  the  villani  performed  the  services  and  received 
the  varying  rewards  for  their  labor. 

This  then  was  the  general  life  of  the  villani  of  the  east 
during  the  rule  of  the  Frank,  to  whom  these  peasants 
paid  taxes,  and  for  whom  they  tilled  the  fields.     And 


1  Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  No.  CCXXVI. 

2  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CCLIV. 
=•  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CCLII. 
*  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  No.  CCLI. 

=  Quat.  Titres  w  Arch,  de  I'Or.  Lat.,  Vol.  II,  No.  IV 
'  Beugnot.     Lois,  Vol.  I,  p.  264,  note  />. 


53 

while  there  seems  to  be  a  distinction  generaUy  made 
between  the  slave  and  villanus,  it  must  have  been  a 
distinction  with  little  if  any  difference.  And  if  we 
should  inquire  still  farther  into  the  slavery  existing  in 
the  cities  we  might  find  that  the  difference  was  possibly 
in  favor  of  the  slave  who  was  bound  to  his  master  as 
against  the  villanus  w^ho  was  bound  to  the  land  as  well 
as  to  his  overlord.  Bound  down  as  he  was  to  servitude 
and  reckoned  as  beast  or  any  other  movable/  oppressed 
with  burdens,  kept  ever  in  his  humble  position  by  the 
demands  made  upon  him,  yet  his  condition  seems  not 
to  have  appeared  to  the  westerners,  nor  to  the  eastern 
people  themselves,  as  hard.  So  that  we  must  conclude 
that  the  Prankish  domination  was  no  more  severe  than 
the  Mohammedan  had  been  before. 


'  Philip  of  Navarre  in  Beugnot,  Lois,  Vol.  I,  Ch.  XLIII,  p.  519 


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SECONDARY  AUTHORITIES. 

Dodu,  G. :   Histoire  des  Institutions  Monarchiques  dans 

le    Royaiime    Latin    de    Jerusalem     (1099-1291). 

Paris.     1894.     8vo. 
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Prutz,    H. :     Cidturgeschichte    der    Kreuzziige.     Berlin. 

1883.     8vo. 
Rey,   E.   G. :    Les  Colonies  franques  en  Syrie.     Paris, 

188^.     8vo.  ^^^graI" 

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